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  {
    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/video-anchored-here-the-battle-for-area-m/",
    "title": "Video: Anchored Here – The Battle for Area M",
    "text": "In the Aleutian communities of Area M, fish are far more than a resource – they are life and survival. For many rural families, fish are the only dependable subsistence food source.\n\nState fishery decisions aren’t abstract policies passed in faraway rooms; they shape everyday meals, family traditions, local jobs, and food security in villages that rely on healthy fish runs to sustain them.\n\nThe Aleut Corporation’s new documentary ‘Anchored Here’ brings these realities into focus. Through the voices of fishermen, elders, and community members, they reflect on how decisions carry real consequences. Too often, policies detached from science or local knowledge put real families and communities at risk.\n\nThey believe fishery management should be rooted in facts, ecological understanding, and ongoing monitoring. Sound science plus local voices… that’s the foundation for decisions that sustain fish, communities, and the traditions that define Alaska.",
    "author": "Jeff Landfield",
    "date": "Unknown",
    "category": "Landmines",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/house-resources-committee-advances-bill-that-directly-benefits-john-hendrix/",
    "title": "House Resources Committee advances bill that directly benefits John Hendrix",
    "text": "HEX/Furie owner John Hendrix was given a gift today by the House Resources Committee. In a 7-2 vote, the committee voted to advance House Bill 271 from the committee. It now heads to the House Finance Committee.\n\nHB 271, introduced by Representative Zack Fields (D – Anchorage), aims to permanently reduce the royalty rate in the Kitchen Lights Unit (the gas leases in Cook Inlet where Furie operates) from 12.55 to 3%.\n\nIn September 2024, Hendrix petitioned the commissioner of the Department of Natural Resources (DNR) for royalty relief in his Kitchen Lights Unit. Five months later, the DNR approved a 76% reduction in royalties for Hendrix’s Cook Inlet gas leases. The approval was back-dated to September 2024, resulting in a $2 million credit. This Landmine article, “HEX/Furie royalty relief approved by DNR includes $2 million credit for future royalty payments,” goes into more detail. From the article:\n\nThe $2 million represents a period of just over five months from September 1, 2024 to February 2, 2025. That works out to approximately $400,000 a month in royalty payments. At the 76% reduction, Hendrix will not have to pay any royalties to the state for around 20 months, unless he produces more gas and the royalty payments increase.\n\nThis Landmine article, “Hendrix Handout: House majority bill aims to permanently reduce royalty rate in Kitchen Lights Unit,” provides more detail on HB 271 as well as a history of Hendrix’s troubling pattern of behavior of getting naive or gullible legislators to introduce legislation that directly benefits his business.\n\nThe yes votes on the committee were:\n\nRepresentatives Mike Prax (R – North Pole) and Donna Mears (D – Anchorage) had the sense to vote no.\n\nI have been tracking John Hendrix’s unscrupulous activities for three years. I provided public testimony to the committee today on why this bill, designed to directly benefit John Hendrix, is a bad idea. You canread my public testimony here.",
    "author": "Jeff Landfield",
    "date": "Unknown",
    "category": "Landmines",
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  {
    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/dysfunction-junction/",
    "title": "Dysfunction junction",
    "text": "Despite being a petrostate, Alaska is in economic trouble. Despite constitutional establishment of Alaska’s Permanent Fund protecting our principal, our spendable buckets of savings have steadily declined.\n\nDespite knowing our buckets are near empty, radical political forces gather to open another bucket – our Permanent Fund’s principal. Thankfully, the principal is constitutionally protected; it cannot be spent by anyone… unless we, the voters, give our leaders the ability to do so. Forces want you to allow them to spend the principal; but your vote can stop them from eliminating constitutional protection of our principal.\n\nKeep the Permanent Fund permanent. Protect the Fund’s principal.\n\nWhy have savings declined? A 5% drawdown for POMV [percent of market value] from Alaska’s Permanent Fund is the culprit in creating the risk to the Earnings Reserve Account [ERA]. Five percent of our Permanent Fund has been taken since 2019 from the ERA to pay about 60% of Alaska’s bills.\n\nWhat is the risk to the ERA that I raise? Overspending from the ERA bucket leads to its depletion. Alaska’s 5% drawdown rate is much too large. If depleted, Alaska is out of spendable money. That’s an enormous problem. The solution? Reduce the 5% to 3%.\n\nConsider Norway’s wealth fund [$2,000,000,000,000- yes trillions], it follows a 3% drawdown rate. Their national economy thrives while providing generous social services. Norway is doing well with its wealth fund; Alaska hasn’t done so well.\n\nWhat is the direct consequence of reducing the drawdown from 5% to 3%? Alaska’s Permanent Fund would remain permanent and the risk of overspending from the ERA is effectively minimized. Not overspending solidifies that the Fund would remain a generational fund capable of surviving for many following generations – our children, grandchildren and their children. A permanent Fund.\n\nThere is no need to join together the protected principal and its earnings; they are now invested as a single fund. “[A]ll assets attributed across both accounts are invested in a single, comprehensive portfolio.”2024 Trustees Paper Volume 10 Pg 7. There is no need for any constitutional amendment to combine the Fund’s assets; it is invested as a single fund.\n\nAlaska’s Constitution protects all principal amounts by prohibiting any governor’s budget proposals and/or any Legislature’s passed budgets from spending any principal. But as the 5% system of overspending continued for years, risk of depleting the ERA increased.\n\nThe easy answer is to lower the rate to not overspend from the ERA. The more difficult responsibility is raising revenue to replace the 2% gap between the overspending 5% and the sustainable 3%.\n\nIn 2013, did politicians who slashed oil revenue understand they were destroying Alaska’s economy? Possibly not? However, the slashers continue to slash buckets of savings. Now, Slashers want our principal.\n\nThe 2024 Trustees Report belittles constitutional protection of the principal inferring they create the “rigid separation between the APF’s Principal (or “Corpus”) and its ERA.” It recognizes “the risk of depleting the ERA has significantly increased in recent years” and “[t]he depletion of the ERA would, therefore, immediately result in a fiscal crisis, affecting both the budget and PFD.” Pg 4. The 3% solution is the answer.\n\nAlso raised was “the breakdown of a rules-based framework for inflation-proofing.” Pg 5. Combining the 1) too large 5% and 2) lack of inflation proofing with 3) slashed oil revenue in 2013 means Alaska, in 2026, stands at dysfunction junction, where bad things happen to Alaska and our Fund.\n\nChanging Alaska’s Constitution, something I oppose, is about removing protection of the principal. Rather than look to the mistake of overspending, risk from a 5% drawdown that depletes the ERA, or receiving fair revenue, the changers and slashers have a specific goal – spend the principal. Do not be misled; the changers and slashers don’t look to reduce the 5% drawdown or fix revenue to Alaska; they focus solely upon having the ability to spend principal, our last bucket.\n\nUse your vote to protect our shared legacy. Use your vote to insist our governors and legislatures actually fix our problems. Use your vote to demand that our elected representatives: 1) Reduce 5% to 3%, 2) Consistently inflation-proof the principal, and 3) Fix our revenue system.\n\nMake Juneau work for Alaska’s survival. Do not support those who spend without fixing fiscal problems. Protect our Fund with some PFD and save our educational system, highways, ferries, courts and all that makes Alaska’s government for the people. Vote to REJECT any constitutional amendment removing principal protection. Force elected officials to fix Alaska, before looming fiscal crisis arrives at dysfunction junction.\n\nBorn in Fairbanks, Joe Paskvan served in the State Senate from 2009-2013. He holds an undergraduate degree from the University of Alaska, Fairbanks and a law degree from Seattle University School of Law. He is now retired after working four decades as a lawyer.",
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  {
    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmine-legends/",
    "title": "Landmine Legends of 2022",
    "text": "We are pleased to announce the winners of the inaugural Landmine Legends. These cover 2022. Thanks to everyone who made nominations and who voted in all the categories! We look forward to doing this again next year.\n\nBest RepublicanSenator Lisa Murkowski (R – Alaska)\n\nBest DemocratCongresswoman Mary Peltola (D – Alaska)\n\nWorst RepublicanRepresentative David Eastman (R – Wasilla)\n\nWorst DemocratRepresentative Zack Fields (D – Anchorage)\n\nMost Bipartisan PoliticianSenator Lisa Murkowski (R – Alaska)\n\nMost Partisan PoliticianRepresentative David Eastman (R – Wasilla)\n\nBest Recovering PoliticianFormer Governor Sean Parnell\n\nBest Dressed PoliticianSenator Bert Stedman (R – Sitka)\n\nWorst Dressed PoliticianRepresentative Zack Fields (D – Anchorage)\n\nMost Profane Elected OfficialAmy Demboski\n\nMost Pious Elected OfficialRepresentative Sarah Vance (R – Homer)\n\nBest LobbyistStrategy North Group (Jerry Mackie and Mike “Fish” Pawlowski)\n\nBest Campaign ManagerErik Gunderson\n\nMost Epic Political MeltdownLora Reinbold vs. Alaska Air\n\nBiggest Political ScandalCharlie Pierce claiming he was resigning as Kenai Peninsula Borough mayor to “focus on his campaign for governor”\n\nBiggest Online TrollSuzanne Downing\n\nBest/Cutest Political PetTito (Governor Mike Dunleavy’s dog)\n\nBest Political Power CoupleRyan McKee and Jackie Boyer",
    "author": "Unknown",
    "date": "Unknown",
    "category": null,
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/brad-keithleys-chart-of-the-week-more-on-the-governors-proposed-fiscal-plan-and-its-impact-on-alaska-families/",
    "title": "Brad Keithley’s Chart of the Week: More on the Governor’s proposed fiscal plan and its impact on Alaska families",
    "text": "In this week’s column, we continue to analyze elements of Governor Mike Dunleavy’s (R – Alaska) proposed fiscal plan by comparing the administration’sinitial (Initial)andrevised (Revised) Fiscal Year (FY) 2027 10-Year Plans, examining the impact of the administration’s proposed increase in the minimum oil production tax rate against previous tax levels and on revenues, and thinking through some alternatives for balancing the budget in the decade ahead.\n\nAt the end, we also include a brief, preliminary look at one aspect of thenew study of Alaska’s fiscal options by the University of Alaska-Anchorage’s Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER). To avoid overload, we will defer a deeper dive into the study until next week, but, especially in light of some statements made atyesterday’s hearing on the Governor’s proposed plan before the House Finance Committee, we think one finding warrants special emphasis now.\n\nWe begin by comparing the administration’s Initial and Revised FY2027 10-Year Plans because the administration proposed to raise significant revenue in the Initial Plan through “new revenue measures.” We have examined the Revised Plan to assess how the administration has followed through on its proposal.\n\nThe results are disappointing. In thefiscal note accompanying Senate Bill (SB) 227, the administration’s proposed omnibus revenue measure, the administration projects the amounts it expects to raise over six years (FY2027 – FY3032) from its components. As many have noted, on their face, the projected revenues in that fiscal note are significantly short of the revenue projections in the Initial FY2027 10-Year Plan for the “new revenue measures” it contemplated.\n\nIn response to questions about the shortfall, the administrationhas saidthat it “expects that revenue from oil production and a proposed trans-Alaska natural gas pipeline” will fill the remaining gap.\n\nBut that’s not what is reflected in the administration’s Revised FY2027 10-Year Plan. While in the Revised Plan, the administration projects that the deficits included in the Initial Plan will decline significantly over the period covered by the Plan and, indeed, produce surpluses during the four years from FY2031 through FY2034, it’s not because of increased revenue either from SB227 or increased oil production and the Alaska LNG project.\n\nInstead, the projected deficit reduction under the two plans is primarily due to two factors. The first is restructuring the Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD) from its current statutory approach to a 50% draw of the annual percent-of-market-value (POMV) from the Permanent Fund (POMV 50/50), as proposed inthe administration’s SJR23. The second, surprisingly, is additional cuts to projected spending levels for government services, mainly in the operating budget, beyond those already included in the Initial Plan.\n\nThe Revised Plan reflects very little additional revenue beyond those sources included in SB227.\n\nIn the following chart, we compare projected revenues from the “new revenue measures” in the Initial 10-Year Plan (dark blue bars) with the measures used to close the same level of projected deficits in the Revised Plan. The projected revenues from the new revenue measures proposed in SB227 are shown in the green bars. The impact of the PFD restructuring proposed in SJR23, reflected in the Revised Plan as a reduction in “use of funds” for the PFD relative to the levels in the Initial Plan, is shown in the yellow bars. The net decrease in spending between the two plans is shown in the red bars.\n\nWhile the proposed new revenues included in SB227 and the deficit-reducing impact of changing the basis for the PFD from the current statutory approach to POMV 50/50 are legitimate “new revenue measures,” closing the remainder of the projected deficits through additional spending cuts is disingenuous. The Initial Plan already projected limited growth in spending, slightly below the projected inflation rate. The Revised Plan drops that rate of growth by two-thirds, to an average levelof less than 1%, to make up the difference between the legitimate “new revenue measures” included in the Revised Plan and the level of “new revenue measures” promised in the Initial Plan.\n\nThe administration deserved considerable credit for being forthright in the Initial Plan about the need for “new revenues” to meet tight, but reasonably projected, spending levels. It has squandered some of that, as push has come to shove, by hiding to a significant degree behind additional, unrealistic real (after-inflation) spending reductions.\n\nThe administration’s headline claim that it is proposing to increase the overall “minimum” oil production tax rate from 4% to 6% is similarly disingenuous.\n\nAs we have explained inprevious columns, the state’s effective oil production tax rate, expressed as a share of gross wellhead revenues (ex-royalty), as calculated from theDepartment of Revenue’s (DOR) Fall 2025 Revenue Sources Book (Fall 2025 RSB), is projected to fall significantly over the coming decade from 6.7% in FY2025, and an average of 6.8% in the decade before that, to an average of 3.3% over the period from FY2026 – FY3030, and an average of 1.9% over the period from FY3031 – FY 3035.\n\nThose are the projected levels even under the current 4% minimum tax. Some have speculated that the shortfall is attributable to increased exploration and production costs (what DOR refers to as “deductible lease expenditures”) projected to be incurred by producers over the period. But it’s not. Those costs don’t reduce the tax base, which DOR refers to as the “Gross Value at Point of Production,” against which the “minimum tax” is applied. The “minimum tax” is calculated before those deductions are applied.\n\nInstead, as we explained in the previous column, what appears to be driving the effective production tax rate below the minimum is the increasing impact of provisions related to “Gross Value Reduction” (GVR) volumes. As explained in the Fall 2025 RSB, GVR volumes are those produced from “newly developed units, as well as certain new producing areas or expansion of producing areas.”\n\nProducers generating those volumes are entitled to a related reduction in taxable revenue, as well as a tax credit of $5 per barrel that can be applied even against the minimum tax floor. As output of that type of production grows, so does its adverse impact on production tax revenues.\n\nOf course, not all production volumes qualify for GVR treatment, and the proposed increase in the minimum tax would likely have some effect on some of the other volumes, but that’s not enough to drive the state’s overall effective production tax rate up to the 6% minimum rate headlined in the administration’s proposed SB227.\n\nIn the following, we chart the share of gross wellhead volumes projected to be received as oil production taxes over the 10 years included in the Fall RSB, under the law as currently in effect, as well as under the provisions of SB227.\n\nUnder current law (the blue solid line), the state’s effective tax rate on gross wellhead revenues is projected to fall from 3.3% in FY2027 to 2.1% in FY2031, and subsequently to 1.9% in FY2035. Despite the so-called 4% “minimum tax,” the annual average effective production tax rate projected over the period is only 2.4%.\n\nThat would increase somewhat under SB227. The state’s share would increase above current-law levels to 4.2% in FY2027 and 3.8% in FY2031, before falling back to 1.9% in FY2035 as the proposed temporary increase in the minimum rate expires. But while it increased somewhat, the annual average effective tax rate over the period would still be only 3.4%, well below the current “minimum rate.” On average, oil production taxes would increase by approximately $130 million annually during the period in which the proposed “increase” in the minimum tax rate remained in effect.\n\nEspecially in the later years of the period, however, that increase pales in comparison with the levels achieved if the effective rate were raised across all volumes to an actual minimum of 6% for the whole period, or, better yet, as we suggested in the previous column, restored to the 6.75% level experienced by the state in the first decade under SB21, the state’s current oil production tax code. In the chart, the red bar represents the incremental revenue impact relative to the levels projected under SB227, assuming the actual minimums were raised to 6% across all volumes. The green bar represents the incremental revenue impact above that if the production tax were set at a simple rate of 6.75% of gross wellhead revenues (net of royalty).\n\nOver the years SB227 is proposed to remain in effect, raising the overall minimum to 6% would increase average annual revenue by an additional $184 million, for a total annual impact of approximately $315 million. Over the same period, resetting the rate to the historic 6.75% level would, on average, yield an additional $72 million annually, for a total annual impact of approximately $387 million.\n\nAs we have explained inprevious columns, SB21 is badly broken. Instead of the temporary, incomplete patch proposed in SB227, the Legislature should focus on permanently addressing the underlying issue. Restoring the overall tax rate permanently to the 6.75% level experienced over the last decade would increase average annual revenues by approximately $475 million relative to the levels projected in the Fall 2025 RSB.\n\nWhile the administration’s proposal falls short, the Legislature actually has the tools at hand to resolve the persistent fiscal gap Alaska has endured over the past decade and is projected to continue to face in the decades ahead.\n\nRather than seeking a single sweeping fix, the key lies in taking a series of smaller steps.\n\nIn the following chart, we plot the effect of combining several small revenue steps to address the deficit levels identified in the administration’s Initial FY2027 10-Year Plan. They include:\n\nAs the chart demonstrates, once fully effective in FY2028, these five steps would serve to eliminate the deficits projected in the administration’s Initial FY2027 10-Year Plan, and, indeed, build a small current revenue surplus, which could be used finally to startrepaying past borrowings from the Constitutional Budget Reserve (CBR)in the years ahead.\n\nAs the chart also shows, using this combination of revenue sources would allow the state to allow the seasonal sales tax to expire midway through FY2032, as proposed in SB227. Alternatively, the state could continue to maintain the sales tax indefinitely, using the proceeds either to accelerate the required repayment of the CBR or to substitute for other revenue sources, such as a reasonable reduction in, but not the elimination of, the corporate income tax.\n\nFinally, in recent comments, including some made yesterday duringthe initial House Finance Committee hearing on SB227, some appear to assume that the sales tax proposed in SB227 would stack on top of continued deep PFD cuts, as one legislator subsequently put it, “increasing the cost of living for Alaska families.”\n\nThat’s not correct. Under the Governor’s proposal, revenues from the proposed sales tax would serve as asubstitutefor continued PFD cuts of the same amount, thereby significantlyreducingthe impact of raising revenue on middle- and lower-income families (together, 80% of Alaska families).\n\nThree charts fromISER’s newly released study, “Economic Impacts of Alaska Fiscal Options 2026,”illustrate the point. The first two concern the relative share of the revenue burden borne by Alaskans across the various options.\n\nThe first chart examines the share of the revenue burden under the main options evaluated in the study: PFD cuts, income taxes, sales taxes, and a statewide property tax. As the chart shows, while Alaskans bear 86% of the cost of revenues raised using PFD cuts, they bear less, indeed, increasingly much less, if the same amount of revenue instead is raised through income and/or sales taxes. The difference is largely borne by non-residents, in the same way that Alaskans bear some of the revenue burden of other states when they pay sales (or income) taxes in those states while visiting (or working) there.\n\nSubstituting either of those sources for PFD cuts to raise the same amount would reduce the overall impact of raising the revenue on Alaska families. Alaska families would have more income in their pockets than under PFD cuts, because non-residents would bear a larger share of the overall burden.\n\nThe second chart continues the first by examining the relative impact on Alaskans and non-residents of some additional alternatives.\n\nThe Governor’s proposed seasonal sales tax is the second bar from the left: “Seasonal sales tax: less exclusions.” Compared with bearing 86% of the cost of revenue raised through PFD cuts, Alaska families would bear only 74% under the alternative approach. By substituting the second approach for the first, Alaska families would retain 12% of the income currently withheld from them and diverted to the state through PFD cuts,reducing“the cost of living for Alaska families” rather than increasing it.\n\nAs the chart shows, Alaska families could save an additional 8% if, instead of the “Seasonal sales tax: less exclusions” approach proposed by the Governor, the Legislature adopted the “Seasonal sales tax: more exclusions” option, shown on the far right.\n\nThe third chart largely reflects the same impact as the first two in a different way. This chart examines the effects of the options on Alaska families, showing the percentage of income lost by income bracket. The various options are substitutes for each other. Using one to raise a given amount of revenue avoids the impact of using the others.\n\nStarting on the left, the chart shows that raising revenue by cutting PFDs (the green line) takes a much larger share of income from those in the lower-income brackets than a sales tax with broader exclusions (the red line). Although difficult to appreciate on the scale of the chart, the calculations confirm that the relationship persists across the middle-income brackets.\n\nIn short, the charts show that under almost any alternative, raising revenue to offset the same amount of continued PFD cuts would materiallyreducethe revenue’s impact on middle- and lower-income Alaska families,lowering“the cost of living for Alaska families” rather than increasing it.\n\nAs we indicated previously, we will have more to say about this and other issues examined by the new ISER study in next week’s column.\n\nBrad Keithley is the Managing Director of Alaskans for Sustainable Budgets, a project focused on developing and advocating for economically robust and durable state fiscal policies. You can follow the work of the project on itswebsite, at@AK4SBon Twitter, on itsFacebook pageor by subscribing to itsweekly podcaston Substack.",
    "author": "Brad Keithley",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/the-sunday-minefield-february-22-2026/",
    "title": "The Sunday Minefield – February 22, 2026",
    "text": "It’s been over a month since the legislative session started, but it feels like its been a lot longer. The big and shocking news this week, which happened on Friday (2/20/2026), was the arrest of now-former legislative stafferCraig Valdezfor very serious charges including child pornography and solicitation of minors. The first round of campaign finance reports came out for gubernatorial and legislative candidates. GovernorMike Dunleavy(R – Alaska) submitted his budget amendments, which propose another $145 million in spending. The Senate Resources Committee fundamentally rewrote GovernorDunleavy’sfiscal plan bill. SenatorDan Sullivan(R – Alaska) gave his annual address to the Alaska Legislature. And yet another person filed to run for governor, taking to total to 17 candidates.\n\nIf you have not seen the newest feature on the Landmine, make sure to check out “Juneau on the Loose: Juneau’s Unofficial Events Calendar.” If you know about or have an event happening in Juneau, like a reception or fundraiser or party, please send me the info (jeff@alaskalandmine.com) and I will get it added to the calendar. Thanks to the people who have sent events so far. There are already seven for the upcoming week!\n\nA friendly message and reminder to all our readers. The Landmine is made possible by myself and a team of awesome Alaskans. I have been covering the legislative session in Juneau for the last seven years and am now here for my eighth session. We will be covering all the 2026 Alaska elections in-depth. If you enjoy the content we provide, please consider making a one time or recurring monthly donation. You canclick here to donate. We have a system that makes it super easy. We would really appreciate it. And thanks to everyone who has been supportive.\n\nOn Friday morning, legislative stafferCraig Valdezwas arrested by federal agents at the Juneau airport. He was headed to D.C. for a Republican conference. I heard about it not long after it happened.Valdezhas worked as a legislative staffer for many years. For the last three years he’s worked for former Representative and now-SenatorGeorge Rauscher(R – Sutton). Prior to that he worked for former SenatorRoger Holland.\n\nI sawValdezat legislative bowling the night before he was arrested. The charges are serious. But what is described in the detention memo is depraved. Why the Anchorage Police Department did not arrest him in October when the mother of a 15-year-old girl tracked her to his home is just baffling. Read the detention memo. It will make your blood boil. According to the U.S. Attorney’s Office, he is facing 15 years to life in prison. His life is over.\n\nThe pretrial detention memo (no bail) against legislative staffer Craig Valdez is fucking depraved.#akleghttps://t.co/J8oNmsUl8Ghttps://t.co/hdyBw5eAddpic.twitter.com/7AhKktjHE9\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 21, 2026\n\nA lot of people are running for governor. We dug into the first campaign finance reports\n\nThe following is an excerpt from a recent special edition of the Alaska Political Report. Youcan click herefor more information about the Political Report. A subscription is $1,299/year per organization. Discounted pricing is available for non-profits and government entities. Our coverage of the budget starts with the governor’s proposed budget, and we track everything in detail through the entire process. If you have any questions or would like to subscribe, please email jeff@akpoliticalreport.com.\n\nOf the 17 candidates who have so far filed to run for governor (12 Republicans, 3 Democrats, 2 independents), 13 filed year-start campaign finance reports, though only nine reported raising more than $200,000. Candidates collectively reported raising $4.3 million.\n\nSeveral of the candidates contributed to their own campaigns. Most notably RepublicanMatt Heilala, a doctor, who contributed an eye dropping $1.28 million to his campaign. RepublicanTreg Taylorcame in second with a $287,000 contribution to his campaign. And former Republican Sen.Shelley Hughescame in third with a $227,000 contribution to her campaign.\n\nNote that several of the candidates donated some amounts of money to their campaigns through non-monetary contributions. These are sometimes hard to track as APOC lists non-monetary contributions under both income and expenditures so they offset. For example, a person could be listed as providing a non-monetary contribution for donating food or campaign services. But a candidate could also buy themselves a plane ticket or pay a bill, and that is also listed as a non-monetary contribution even though it is a candidate expense. We did our best to parse out the non-monetary contributions that are actually expenses paid by candidates.\n\nSome of the candidates who had previously run for office listed some starting money they transferred from future campaign accounts.\n\nDemocratJonathan Kreiss-Tomkins, who filed after Feb. 1 and therefore did not have to file a year-start report, announced he raised over $750,000 in the two weeks since he filed.\n\nBelow are summaries of the reports each candidate filed. It is ranked from the highest reported fundraising.\n\nIf you would like to see the rest of this section, which includes a comprehensive breakdown of all the gubernatorial candidates’ APOC reports, please consider subscribing to the Alaska Political Report. Email jeff@akpoliticalreport.com for a copy of the latest special report.\n\nGovernorDunleavysubmitted his budget amendments on February 18, the statutory deadline. In total, his amendments add $145 million in spending –  $104 million to the proposed FY2027 budget and $41.7 million to the FY2026 supplemental budget. Under his proposed budget, 70% of the Constitutional Budget Reserve (CBR) would be drained. But that includes his proposed full Permanent Fund Dividend, a cost of $2.36 billion. Legislative leaders have made it clear the dividend will likely be around $1,000, or $640 million. In that situation, there would only be a deficit for the FY2026 supplemental budget.\n\nThe supplemental budget is in third and final reading tomorrow in the House. Paying for it requires tapping into the CBR. A CBR draw needs a three-fourths majority, which is 30 votes in the House. If the vote on an amendment from RepresentativeFrank Tomaszewski(R – Fairbanks) – that proposed to take $2.4 billion from the Permanent Fund to pay a mega-dividend, is any indication of where the House is – they may be a few votes short for a CBR draw. The construction industry has been pushing hard to fund the $70 million in the supplemental (the total supplemental budget is $466 million) for road projects this summer. The money comes with a 9-1 federal match.\n\nSenatorSullivangave his annual address to the Alaska Legislature on Wednesday (2/18/2026). You canwatch it here. There were several protestors in the hallway outside the House chamber. Many were holding these signs that read “We the people do not consent.” No clue what they were not consenting to. Several of them booedSullivanand shouted “coward!” One said, “you love pedophiles.” They must be a blast to hang out with.\n\n.@SenDanSullivanis about to give his annual address to a joint session of the Alaska Legislature. There are protestors in the Capitol. Many are holding signs that say “We the people do not consent.” It’s unclear what they are not consenting to.#aklegpic.twitter.com/mgnqNdLMA3\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 18, 2026\n\nThe Senate Resources Committee, chaired by SenatorCathy Giessel(R – Anchorage), totally rewrote GovernorDunleavy’sfiscal plan bill – which was basically DOA anyway. The committee removed the sales tax provision and proposed to change our oil tax system from a net tax to a gross tax. That’s probably not the worst idea, but to do it with no modeling is really odd. The bill now heads to the finance committee, which should be fun to watch.\n\n“Independent”Meda DeWittfiled to run for governor this week. She was a key figure in the Recall Dunleavy effort. She makes the seventeenth candidate in the race. AnAlaska Public Media articledescribed her as a “traditional healer,” whatever the hell that means.\n\nAnother one! This time it’s “independent” Meda DeWitt, one of the Recall Dunleavy henchmen. The Alaska governor’s race is quickly turning into a depressing reality show.#aklegpic.twitter.com/YQwTl0M4ek\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 17, 2026\n\nRepublican gubernatorial candidateDave Bronsonhas succumbed to the dividend delusion.\n\nAnother one who has succumbed to the dividend delusion. Dave Bronson, or any other candidate who promises a full or mega dividend, is either lying to get votes or doesn’t understand basic math.#aklegpic.twitter.com/wjqVhzHoLE\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 16, 2026\n\nAfter I posted this video I learned this is a Mormon thing called a “dirty soda.” What an utterly disgusting drink.\n\nTreg Taylor puts creamer in his… diet soda. How bizarre. Talk about unrelatable.#aklegpic.twitter.com/g98cnQbYEh\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 19, 2026\n\nFormer RepresentativeTom McKayhas been appointed by GovernorDunleavyto the Alaska Oil & Gas Conservation Commission.\n\nDang. Former Rep. Tom McKay was appointed by@GovDunleavyto the Alaska Oil & Gas Conservation Commission. Last year when they tried there was an issue with him just leaving the#akleg. Seems he’s good now! He’s a great choice with his oil and gas background.pic.twitter.com/LUbVxlSiUp\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 17, 2026\n\nThis was a pretty loose vote. Citations are rarely objected to. The no vote by RepresentativeKy Holland(I – Anchorage) tho!\n\n17 people voted against a citation for Anchorage Assembly member Felix Rivera lol#aklegpic.twitter.com/bfCNZEn35M\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 19, 2026\n\nRep. Carrick’s earrings tho. Are those babies long enough? Do you think she trapped them herself?!#aklegpic.twitter.com/GsFR599oIc\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 20, 2026\n\nANS crude is above $70/barrel for the first time since September.\n\nLegislators when the price of oil goes up before the Spring Revenue Forecast.#aklegpic.twitter.com/DLK71X7Iqv\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 21, 2026\n\nPretty incredible that lobbyistKris Knauss, who is on the board of USA Hockey, is in the photo after the U.S. men’s hockey team won gold at the Olympics! He’s the last one on the left.\n\nLobbyist Kris Knauss, who is on the board of@usahockey, in the photo with Team USA after winning gold at the#Olympics2026!#aklegpic.twitter.com/9rELCcb9Sy\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 22, 2026\n\nThis was a very loose week. There were many deserving candidates, but one stood out. This week’sLoose Unitis RepresentativeFrank Tomaszewski.\n\nAs noted above,Tomaszewskiintroduced an amendment to the supplemental budget that aimed to pull $2.4 billion out of the Permanent Fund earnings reserve account to pay a mega-dividend. That’s 2.7% of the Permanent Fund! Hyper loose behavior.\n\nWhat’s even more loose is that 11 House members voted for the amendment. Imagine if these people were actually in charge. They would liquidate the fund to pay mega-dividends until it was gone. Maximum loose behavior. Thank god there are enough rational people in the Legislature to not fall for the dividend delusion.\n\nIf you have a nomination for this week’sLoose Unit, or if you have any political news, stories or gossip (or any old pics of politicians or public officials) please email me at jeff@alaskalandmine.com.",
    "author": "Jeff Landfield",
    "date": "Unknown",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/brad-keithleys-chart-of-the-week-significantly-reducing-the-impact-of-the-states-fiscal-burden-on-alaskans/",
    "title": "Brad Keithley’s Chart of the Week: Significantly reducing the impact of the state’s fiscal burden on Alaskans",
    "text": "An exchange earlier this week with an interested reader helped us realize that some aren’t appreciating the full impact of various fiscal options on Alaska families and, through them, the overall Alaska economy. In this week’s column, we attempt to make those clearer.\n\nSome start with the simple, and correct, assumption that, all other things being equal, some fiscal options are more regressive – that is, take a higher percentage as a share of income as income levels decline – than others. From that perspective, for example, as a general matter, of the four major options, cuts in Permanent Fund Dividends (PFDs) are the most regressive option, sales taxes are the next most regressive, a flat income tax is the next, and a progressive income tax – an approach that intentionally takes a higher percentage as a share of income as income levels increase – is the least.\n\nGenerally speaking, because they take more from those more likely to spend the marginal dollar (what some call themarginal propensity to consume), regressive taxes not only have the largest adverse impact on middle- and lower-income families, in the sense that they take more money out of their pockets than less regressive options, but also on the local and state economies, in the sense that they take more money from those more likely to consume than less regressive options.\n\nFor that reason, those, like us, who are mostly concerned with the impact of fiscal options on Alaska families and the state economy, usually support less regressive measures over more regressive ones.\n\nBut that isn’t the only thing going on with Alaska’s fiscal alternatives. As both the2016andnewly published 2026reports from the University of Alaska – Anchorage’s Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER) on Alaska’s fiscal options discuss, the alternatives also have varying impacts on the amount of money taken out of Alaskans’ pockets, compared to the share taken from non-residents and, due to their interplay with federal income taxes, the federal government’s.\n\nFor example, while sales taxes take most of the money they raise from Alaskans’ pockets, they also take a portion from visiting non-residents who purchase Alaska goods and services while in the state. And while PFD cuts take money mostly from Alaskans’ pockets, they also draw funds from the federal government through reduced federal income taxes.\n\nThese secondary effects – the portion of the burden assumed by other than Alaskans (non-Alaskans) – generally don’t play much of a role in the relative impact of a fiscal option if all of the secondary effects fall in a fairly narrow range.\n\nFor example, if all of the options push roughly 15% – 20% of the burden to non-Alaskans, that really doesn’t significantly change the calculus of the extent to which one option takes more from middle and lower-income Alaska families or has a larger impact on the overall Alaska economy than another. The regressivity characteristics of the options still dominate the outcome.\n\nOn the other hand, if the secondary effects – the portion of the burden assumed by non-Alaskans – have a wide range, with some pushing much more to non-Alaskans than others, then they may have a significant impact on whether one option is preferable to another.\n\nFor example, assume that in attempting to raise $750 million, Option A pushes only 15% to non-Alaskans, while a second (Option B) pushes 30%, or double the first, to non-Alaskans.\n\nBased on those numbers, while Option A would require approximately $640 million from Alaskans (roughly 85% of $750 million), Option B would require only $525 million from Alaskans (roughly 70% of $750 million), $115 million less than Option A. In that scenario, even if Option A were less regressive than Option B, because of the significantly lower level required from Alaskan families overall, Option B would still result in taking less from the pockets of an increasingly greater share of Alaska families – and through that, have a lower adverse impact on the overall Alaska economy – than Option A.\n\nAs the following chart shows, in the 2016 study, the ISER researchers found that differences in the secondary impacts across the various options fell within a fairly narrow band.\n\nWhile there were differences in the split between non-residents and the federal government, the level of take from non-Alaskans generally fell within a narrow range of less than 4%, from approximately 16% to 20%, across options. The differences were small enough that they really didn’t influence the debate about which option was better for Alaskans.\n\nHowever, given intervening changes in the economy, their evaluation of additional options, and other factors, the ISER researchers in the 2026 study see asignificantlydifferent landscape. Here are the slides reflecting their findings.\n\nThe first evaluates the four main options, with one split into two alternatives (sales tax) and one additional option (property tax):\n\nAs is clear, the amounts borne by non-Alaskans are significantly different, ranging from 14% at the low end (PFD reduction and property tax) to 27%, nearly double, at the high end (sales tax: more exclusions).\n\nThe second slide looks at two flat tax options: the first is a repeat of the one on the first slide, and the second couples the flat tax with an option to use a resident’s PFD as a credit toward the tax. By significantly increasing the share borne by the federal government through reduced federal income taxes, this additional option significantly reduces the share borne by Alaskan households.\n\nThe third slide examines variations on the two sales tax alternatives from the first slide: sales tax with fewer exclusions and sales tax with more exclusions. The variations are to adjust each alternative seasonally, with higher rates in the summer, when more non-residents are in the state, and lower rates in the winter, when fewer non-residents are in the state.\n\nTaken together, the alternatives offer a wide range in the share of any fiscal option borne by non-Alaskans, ranging from 14% (PFD cuts) at the low end to 30% (flat income tax with credits) and 32% (seasonal sales tax with more exclusions) at the high end.\n\nAt that level, the differences have asignificantimpact on the options. For example, again using a target revenue level of $750 million, while a progressive income tax generally may be less regressive than a sales tax, using ISER’s projections a progressive income tax would still take approximately $620 million from Alaskans (83%), while a seasonal sales tax with more exclusions would take only $510 million (68%), $110 million less. By shifting more of the burden to non-Alaskans, Alaskan households would increasingly have materially more money in their pockets, and, particularly because of the positive impact on middle-income Alaska families, the overall Alaska economy would see materially more money circulating.\n\nUsing the $750 million mark – roughly the level proposed to be raised annually by Governor Mike Dunleavy’s (R – Alaska) seasonal sales tax – here is the breakdown between Alaskans and non-Alaskans among the various options, ranked from the lowest, in terms of overall burden on Alaskans, to the highest:\n\nThe right column measures the improvement – the additional amount that Alaskans would keep in their pockets overall – compared to using PFD cuts, the current approach used by the Legislature. At a target revenue of $750 million, Alaskans would keep $120 million, or 19%, more in their pockets with a flat income tax coupled with a PFD credit, and $135 million, or 21%, more with a seasonal sales tax with more exclusions than they do by using PFD cuts.\n\nOverall, Alaskans would also keep nearly $100 million to $115 million, or 16% – 18%, more in their pockets using one of those two options than a progressive income tax.\n\nThe differences grow as revenue levels increase. For example, in the current session, by cutting the PFD to $1,000, some in the Legislature effectively propose withholding and diverting nearly $1.7 billion from the statutory PFD. Here’s the impact of the Legislature raising that same amount instead through the other measures listed above:\n\nIf, instead of using PFD cuts, the Legislature raised the same amount by using a flat income tax coupled with a PFD credit, Alaskans – and through them, the Alaska economy – would keep more than an additional $250 million,a quarter of a billion dollars, in their pockets. Using a seasonal sales tax with more exclusions, Alaskans – and through them, the Alaska economy – would keep more than an additional $300 million in their pockets.\n\nWhat this demonstrates is that the use of the single criterion of regressivity or progressivity isn’t a sufficient basis any longer on which to judge Alaska’s various fiscal options. Because of the significant differences, the degree to which they raise funds from Alaskans compared to non-Alaskans is also an important consideration, and, indeed, where the differences are substantial, likely a determinative criterion.\n\nThe analysis does show one thing for certain, however. Not only are PFD cuts the most regressive option – the hardest on middle and lower-income Alaska families and, through them, the overall Alaska economy – the Legislature can use, but they also take the least from non-Alaskans and, as a result of that, themostfrom Alaskans. For those concerned about Alaska families and the overall Alaska economy, they are the absolutelylast optionthe Legislature should use.\n\nOne final note. We know that some will quickly say, “But what about increased oil taxes, or corporate taxes, or even spending cuts, aren’t those better?”\n\nOur response is simple. Certainly, all of those have some role to play, but even in the aggregate, they won’t raise $1.7 billion, the level of PFD cuts some in the Legislature are proposing for this coming year. Some portion will have to be raised through personal taxes. Governor Dunleavy’s recent proposal suggests the appropriate number is around $750 million annually.\n\nThe recent ISER analysis provides huge insights into the impact of the various options in filling that role. We hope those in the Legislature will make the effort to understand and use it, rather than once again dumping the burden mostly on Alaskans, particularly middle and lower-income Alaska families.\n\nBrad Keithley is the Managing Director of Alaskans for Sustainable Budgets, a project focused on developing and advocating for economically robust and durable state fiscal policies. You can follow the work of the project on itswebsite, at@AK4SBon Twitter, on itsFacebook pageor by subscribing to itsweekly podcaston Substack.",
    "author": "Brad Keithley",
    "date": "Unknown",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/my-message-to-the-anchorage-assembly-less-woke-and-more-work/",
    "title": "My message to the Anchorage Assembly: Less woke and more work",
    "text": "If Anchorage residents ever wonder why so many problems in this city feel unresolved, they need only watch the Anchorage Assembly in action. Or is it “inaction”?\n\nAs they have so often, some Assembly members turn their attention outward, weighing in on an issue far beyond their actual authority or sphere of influence, while the very real problems on Anchorage streets deteriorate.\n\nThe latest example is a resolution opposing federal immigration enforcement. It was presented as a moral stand against Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). But like many Assembly actions before it, this anti-ICE resolution they passed on Tuesday amounts to symbolism without substance, and it follows a pattern that has become all too familiar.\n\nIs this another chapter in a habit of substituting political signaling for municipal governance? It appears so.\n\nThe fact is, Anchorage has no authority over federal immigration policy. The Assembly cannot direct ICE, cannot change federal law, and cannot alter enforcement priorities set in Washington, D.C. The resolution does none of those things.\n\nIt also does not improve public safety or create housing. It does not reduce crime, addiction, or homelessness. It does not fix a single pothole or keep a single business from closing downtown.\n\nWhat it does accomplish is signaling. It’s noise that sends a message to a national political audience that the Assembly is aligned with. That may play well on social media or in activist circles, but it does nothing for the people who live in Alaska’s largest city. You know, the folks who fund our city budget.\n\nWe’ve seen how far this kind of municipal overreach can go elsewhere. A few short years ago in Seattle, Mayor Jenny Durkin authorized the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone (CHAZ/CHOP) and anarchy in the streets soon followed. This year, Mayor Katie Wilson has pushed her city into direct confrontation with federal authorities, far overstepping her responsibility and accountability. She has authorized direct resistance to ICE enforcement. The result is a city government consumed by fights it can’t win, including fights between the mayor and uniformed officers who work for her but don’t want to arrest ICE officers, per her order.\n\nAnchorage residents should take note.\n\nIf this all sounds familiar, you’re not wrong. In 2024, the Assembly passed a resolution weighing in on the Israel- Hamas conflict and calling for a ceasefire.\n\nAt the time, some in Anchorage made a straightforward point: the Anchorage Assembly was not elected to adjudicate complex international conflicts that have gone on since before the 1967 Six-Day War. Foreign policy is federal terrain.\n\nToday’s anti-ICE resolution follows the same impulse. Different issue, but the same instinct: insert the Assembly into national or international debates while local responsibilities go unaddressed.\n\nThe Assembly also has inserted itself into symbolic nonsense with the recent decision on the city seal, erasing the history of Captain James Cook and disappearing the city’s aviation history. It was a gesture perceived by many residents as an erasure of Anchorage’s Western heritage and history — national leftist cancel culture here at home.\n\nRegardless of one’s view, that debate consumed time, energy, and political capital, while public disorder, urban decay and basic maintenance problems continued to mount. And it still irritates normal Anchorage voters.\n\nEven worse is when adhering to a failed national progressive woke agenda, the Assembly does turn its attention to local policy that involves public safety. The results are not merely a waste of taxpayer resources, they can be deadly. The jaywalking ordinance is a case in point. The intent may have been “pedestrian liberty,” but the outcome has raised serious concerns. Pedestrian deaths have increased, and enforcement changes appear disconnected from how people actually move through the city. This is what happens when policy is driven more by woke theory than by careful consideration of real-world consequences.\n\nSo Anchorage residents are left with a troubling pattern: symbolic resolutions on matters the city cannot control, cultural skirmishes that divide rather than fix, and local policies enacted without sufficient seriousness about their effects.\n\nMeanwhile, the problems people actually live with are impossible to ignore. Public inebriation and drug abuse is widespread. Shoplifting, theft, and vandalism have overtaken commercial areas. Street disorder has driven people to avoid the downtown business district as public safety concerns shape daily routines, grocers in Anchorage set up a wall of shopping carts and chains that harken to a Mogadishu-like gauntlet that we all have to pass through to get a loaf of bread or gallon on milk after 10 pm, and storefronts empty out while sidewalks fill with human excrement.\n\nThe way that people experience Anchorage on buses, in parking lots, and on sidewalks, is the exact business of the Assembly. And it’s the business that they struggle to stay focused on.\n\nAt some point, the line between governance and activism has to be drawn. City assemblies exist to manage the responsibilities entrusted to them, not to pretend to be an advisory board to Congress or an activist council chasing national applause for promoting their woke agenda in Anchorage – our home. Anchorage residents did not elect an Occupy Wall Street organizing committee, even if Assemblyman George Martinez is more or less that group’s seat on the dais. They elected a municipal body to run a city.\n\nThe Assembly has eroded its own credibility, then comes to the taxpayers asking for a $12 million special levy. Expect the full court press on this using all the national progressive strategies of pushing emotion and not discussing the policy and of identity politics where anyone that disagrees anti-education and kid haters. But, we see the dysfunction and the lack of logic and we will not allow it to go unchecked.\n\nAnchorage does not need more meaningless resolutions. We could, however, use a few more serious-minded members on the Anchorage Assembly.\n\nBrett Huber is Alaska state director for Americans for Prosperity.",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/the-sunday-minefield-february-1-2026/",
    "title": "The Sunday Minefield – February 1, 2026",
    "text": "The Alaska Legislature has been been in session for two weeks, and things are definitely off to a much wilder start than last session. GovernorMike Dunleavy(R – Alaska) introduced legislation that contained element of his proposed fiscal plan, which has not had a great reception from legislators. A legislative staffer had possibly the fastest and loosest flameout in Juneau history. Several committee meetings in the House have gotten spicy or heated. A big snowstorm in Anchorage created havoc for roads and schools. The filing deadline for the six Anchorage Assembly seats and two school board seats closed on Friday (1/30/2026). And lots of politicos were spotted in Juneau this week.\n\nA friendly message and reminder to all our readers. The Landmine is made possible by myself and a team of awesome Alaskans. I have been covering the legislative session in Juneau for the last seven years and recently arrived for my eighth session. We will be covering all the 2026 Alaska elections in-depth. If you enjoy the content we provide, please consider making a one time or recurring monthly donation. You canclick here to donate. We have a system that makes it super easy. We would really appreciate it. And thanks to everyone who has been supportive.\n\nGovernorDunleavyfinally introduced legislation with his proposed fiscal plan this week. Ipublished a Landmine articlewith the elements of his fiscal plan on January 20. Some haters did not believe what I wrote, but everything in my article is exactly what he introduced. These are the main elements:\n\nIt has not had a warm welcome in the Legislature. Many Republicans are not excited about the idea of new taxes. And many legislators won’t support new taxes in order to pay a big Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD). SenatorBill Wielechowski(D – Anchorage) did giveDunleavycredit for introducing a plan, but did criticize elements of it.\n\nUnderDunleavy’sproposed plan, the PFD would be put into the Alaska Constitution and set at half of the yearly draw from the Permanent Fund. At the current draw, that would cost around $2 billion. For content, last year’s $1,000 PFD cost just under $700 million.\n\nThe plan still exhausts the state’s savings by FY2033 at current projected revenue and spending levels. Some, includingDunleavy, think revenues from a gasline would add significant new revenues in the future, but that is not something most decision makers are banking on.\n\nThere is also an issue with many of the state’s key fiscal advisor positions.Dunleavyhas failed to appoint a Revenue commissioner for six months, the deputy commissioner position has been vacant for ten months, and the Tax director has been acting for almost as long. These positions are all crucial for getting the kind of ambitious planDunleavyintroduced passed the Legislature.\n\nThe tax element of the plan is scheduled for a hearing in House finance on Thursday (2/5/2026).Nils Andreassen, the executive director of the Alaska Municipal League, is scheduled to present to the committee. That hearing should be lively.\n\nIf you were hiding under a rock this week and missed this Landmine story, “Young Republican legislative staffer flees Juneau after unhinged alcohol fueled meltdown,” it’s definitely worth checking out. There is loose, and then there is this kind of meltdown of epic proportions.\n\nSeveral House committee hearings got a bit spicy this week:\n\nSenatorBert Stedman(R – Sitka) had some harsh words forCrooked Adam Crumconcerning his bill to ban the State of Alaska from doing business with DigitalBridge.\n\nSens. Stedman and Wielechowski are popular after the press conference!#aklegpic.twitter.com/ZQAJbK83TR\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)January 27, 2026\n\nRepublican gubernational candidateClick Bishop, a former senator, was in the Capitol this week.Greta Schuerch, who is rumored to be his running mate, was also spotted in the Capitol. She was in town as part of a business fly-in.\n\nFormer Sen. Click Bishop and current Republican gubernatorial candidate is in the Capitol!#aklegpic.twitter.com/0ZFvKLoHni\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)January 27, 2026\n\nFurie ownerJohn Hendrixand his daughterLauren Hendrix, who works for Furie, were spotted having dinner at Salt with SenatorStedman.Hendrixwas likely seeking another Hendrix Handout. LuckilyStedmandoesn’t mess around. But how he got the meeting withStedmanis the real question.\n\nHendrixnever stops trying to get handouts and tax breaks from the state. After being denied a massive property tax reduction for years by the State Assessment Review Board and Superior Court, he is still at it.\n\nJohn Hendrix, owner of Furie, is at it again. He’s looking for another Hendrix Handout. This Dec. 5 meeting with Acting Revenue Commissioner Earls, AG Cox, and KPB Mayor Micciche was definitely about his long sought massive property tax reduction.#akleg\n\nThe State Assessment…pic.twitter.com/BKAc4AseYX\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)January 31, 2026\n\nRecords I finally obtained by the Human Rights Commission show the weeklong trip to Geneva, Switzerland forDorene LorenzandRob Corbisieractually cost the state $20,000! It’s hard for the public to believe our fiscal situation is as dire as it is when this kind of stuff is allowed to happen.\n\nWow. The Human Rights Commission finally responded to the Landmine's record request sent on Nov. 18, 2025. Based on preliminary information they  provided on Nov. 21, we estimated the total cost of the trip to Switzerland for Rob Corbisier and Dorene Lorenz was $8,000. Turns out…https://t.co/QyavJRFQWbpic.twitter.com/7d8KktDlt3\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)January 31, 2026\n\nHere is the list of candidates for the six Anchorage Assembly seats and two school board seats up in April. Assembly membersChris Constant(District 1) andFelix Rivera(District 4) are termed out. Assembly memberScott Myers(District 2) is not seeking re-election. Assembly membersAnna Brawley,George Martinez, andZac Johnsonare all seeking re-election.\n\nU.S. House candidateBill Hillis saying he raised $300,000 a week after he filed. Hill will be in Juneau this week. It’s been entertaining watching the Democrats and progressives fight online aboutHilland DemocratMatt Schultzboth being in the race.\n\nBill Hill saying he raised $300,000 in a week.pic.twitter.com/R0HldumUv8\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 2, 2026\n\nThis week’s designee is very well deserved. This week’sLoose Unitis Anchorage MayorSuzanne LaFrance.\n\nAfter lucking out last winter with low snowfall,LaFranceis now having to deal with the same kind of big storms that the she went after former MayorDave Bronsonfor not dealing with. I also went afterBronsonfor inadequate plowing. ButLaFranceran on fixing snow plowing! Very loose.\n\nIt was particularly funny watchingLaFrancesupporters online talk about how the roads are so much better compared to whenBronsonwas in office. Maximum loose!\n\nBut what really earnedLaFrance Loose Unitstatus this week was her decision to unilaterally order new property tax assessments for four neighborhoods. After a horrible public reaction to new property tax assessments that came out this week,LaFrancewent fullLoose Unitand made it even worse. She announced that she ordered the assessor to send out new and lower assessments. You really can’t make this up. ClassicLoose Unitbehavior.\n\nIf you have a nomination for this week’sLoose Unit, or if you have any political news, stories or gossip (or any old pics of politicians or public officials) please email me at jeff@alaskalandmine.com.",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/review-heated-rivalry-episode-two-olympians/",
    "title": "Review: Heated Rivalry – Episode Two – “Olympians”",
    "text": "“Mann gegen Mann,Meine Haut gehört den Herren.Mann gegen Mann,Gleich und Gleich gesellt sich gern.”\n\n“Hey baby, I hear the blues a-callin’,Tossed salad and scrambled eggsAnd maybe I seem a bit confused,Yeah maybe, but I got you pegged!But I don’t know what to do with those tossed salads and scrambled eggs.They’re callin’ again.”-theme song from Frasier (1993-2004)\n\nThe Winter Olympics are here. The best of the best will twirl, ski, shoot, sled, and freestyle across the Italian slopes while I will crush beers and yell obscenities at my television when a figure skater, a thousand times more graceful than I could ever hope to be, makes a miniscule error. It’s the American way. I went to high school and took a German class with one of this year’s American team cross-country skiers (and a science class with Miss America 2022). They became upper echelons in their fields, with their own Wikipedia pages, and I am reviewing the gay hockey HBO show. The disparate paths of three Robert Service High School graduates.\n\nWhich – let’s get ahead of the curve here – there are some nasty rumors (one comment in last episode’s review that made me cry into my beer) going around that I am “insecure” about covering queer culture but am “too broke to say no.” And yes, the latter part of that is true, I buysilly thingsonline and then spend weeks on end eating beans – but to read 1,500 words about how I thinkHeated Rivalryis cheesy, sloppily-written junk food television and then assume that I would only say that because it features two gay protagonists is sort of reductive. For every Walt Whitman, Yukio Mishima, or Chuck Palahniuk, there is a Shane Hollander in triplicate. Art is hard, to quote a post-hardcore band from Omaha.\n\nIfHRfollowed the sweaty exploits of a lady hockey player and a male lacrosse coach, it would be just as dumb – which, as I explained in my last review, is fine. Not every show has to beSuccessionor the episode ofFrasierwhere Frasier goes ice fishing – conversely, not every show with a gay protagonist gets to be labeled prestige television. Slop comes in every color of the rainbow – and this is assuredly pretty sloppy. But it’s fun slop, and now my girlfriend is hooked. She comments on Rozanov’s [sic] “volumptuous” butt. She sends me TikToks of the actors doing silly press junket activities. Did you know Rozanov isn’t actually Russian? When he talks it’s like hearing Gandolfini not being Tony Soprano – sort of jarring, and unnerving. It gets to a point, you know?\n\nLet’s Get Serious – Or, Carrying On In The Greek Tradition\n\nWhen we left our big ice-skating boys, they had just finished an argument on the balcony of a skyscraper after the Rookie of the Year awards. Ilya and Shane continue texting through this show’s numerous flash-forwards, and we see the two flirt heavily over text before games – but nothing ever happens. It’s like trying to hold hands with Ivan Drago during a prizefight. Lace up them skates, Shane – this is the (checks notes) FHL. NOT the NHL.\n\nEventually, however, after multiple rounds of flirting on phones with a physical keyboard, the fellas consummate their relationship in the style of Socrates, Oscar Wilde, and Greg Louganis. In front of a roaring fire, no less – which made me chuckle. Sometimes you have to stick with the classics. Throughout the whole scene, my girlfriend kept saying “Oh, my. Oh, my,” like I assume George Takei probably did. Sexy talk delivered in a Russian accent sounds strange – like ordering borscht. Rozanov is completely hairless, like a sphinx cat. You could slide him down a waterslide and he would be completely frictionless. It boggles the mind.\n\nThe act itself occurs in the halcyon days of 2013, when the real-life Blackhawks won the real-life Stanley Cup. What else was happening in 2013? The Harlem Shake, and not much else, it seemed at the time. I was 12, in Catholic school. Explains a lot, doesn’t it? (They should make a lesbian version of this show where they both do roller derby.)\n\nWe flash forward to 2014 and now it’s the Winter Olympics – in Sochi, Russia, no less! Canada plays Russia in hockey, and in an upset, Russia loses. Rozanov, as a member of the losing team, takes a terrific verbal thrashing from his James Bond villain looking dad, who, at the end of the conversation, wanders off into sort of an Alzheimer-esque fugue state, waxing rhapsodic about Rozanov’s dead mother. A crack emerges in the cold Russian exterior, no doubt.\n\nAt the basement afterparty, Rozanov nurses his wounds over cocaine with his ethnically ambiguous girlfriend from Episode 1, and a sexually ambivalent boyfriend (Sasha) from days past. Is everyone gay in this show? Rozanov rebuffs Sasha’s advances, and at this point, we got an ad for Entenmann’s Little Bites Donuts, which made me want a snack. Later, Ilya’s team wins the MLH championship, and at the hockey awards show (the Hoscars?) Shane and Ilya swap Colbert-esque riffs on stage while presenting trophies. Backstage, Shane gets mad at his big beautiful boy for being emotionally distant, and the two finish out the evening doing the horizontal bop as the episode slides into a close. This is a show Mitch and Cam fromModern Familywould watch, if that show had lasted into 2025. Or a show Beavis and Butthead might have riffed on, if MTV had any spine.\n\nThere was some discussion of the adverse conditions in Russia for members of the gay community, which is a surprisingly intense topic for a comparatively light show, though it does make sense, considering the nationality and sexuality of its main heartthrob.\n\nI forgot to do the “hockey clock” thing from last episode but let’s be generous and say it was around two minutes.Why do you think the showHeated Rivalrywas calledHeated Rivalry?Cause the rivalry was heated!\n\nJacob Hersh was born and raised in Anchorage. He is currently studying law at the University of Idaho. He occasionally does movie reviews and writes weird columns for the Landmine to get extra money for beer.",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/hendrix-handout-house-majority-bill-aims-to-permanently-reduce-royalty-rate-in-kitchen-lights-unit/",
    "title": "Hendrix Handout: House majority bill aims to permanently reduce royalty rate in Kitchen Lights Unit",
    "text": "Furie owner John Hendrix is at it again looking for special treatment in the Legislature. This is the third bill in three years he’s managed to get introduced that he would reap a direct benefit from.\n\nRepresentative Zack Fields (D – Anchorage) recently introducedHouse Bill 271, a bill that would permanently reduce the royalty rate in the Kitchen Lights Unit (the gas leases in Cook Inlet where Furie operates) from 12.55 to 3%.\n\nIn September 2024, Hendrix petitioned the commissioner of the Department of Natural Resources (DNR) for royalty relief in his Kitchen Lights Unit. Five months later, the DNR approved a 76% reduction in royalties for Hendrix’s Cook Inlet gas leases. The approval was back-dated to September 2024, resulting in a $2 million credit. This Landmine article, “HEX/Furie royalty relief approved by DNR includes $2 million credit for future royalty payments,” goes into more detail. From that article:\n\nThe $2 million represents a period of just over five months from September 1, 2024 to February 2, 2025. That works out to approximately $400,000 a month in royalty payments. At the 76% reduction, Hendrix will not have to pay any royalties to the state for around 20 months, unless he produces more gas and the royalty payments increase.\n\nFields’ bill aims to make permanent the massive royalty reduction approved for Hendrix by the DNR. It’s important to note that the royalty modification process the DNR uses is complex and thorough, and is subject to review and possible changes. The process includes in-house and outside experts that understand the complexities of each royalty modification request.\n\nFields told the Landmine that Hendrix is his constituent, and that he wants to help get more gas produced in Cook Inlet.Fields’ sponsor statement for the billparrots one of Hendrix’s main talking points, that he’s the “only Alaska-owned and headquartered oil and gas production company.”\n\nBut Fields’ bill also demonstrates a troubling pattern of behavior from Hendrix – getting naive or gullible legislators to introduce legislation that directly benefits his business.\n\nFor years, Hendrix has tried to get a massive 90% property tax reduction for his assets in the Kitchen Lights Unit. The current property tax is approximately $1.6 million a year, split between the state and the Kenai Peninsula Borough.\n\nThe State Assessment Review Board (SARB) ruled twice against Hendrix, first in May 2021 and again in May 2022. Both times, they upheld the $81.7 million assessment. Both were unanimous decisions. In May 2024, an Anchorage Superior Court judge also ruled against Hendrix’s attempt to massively reduce his property taxes.\n\nIn February 2023, the Senate Resources Committee, via Senator Cathy Giessel (R – Anchorage), introduced a bill that would radically change how the state calculated oil and gas property taxes. When I tried to talk to her and warn her about the bill and Hendrix, she was dismissive. She also referred to it as the “Furie bill.” This Landmine article, “Senate bill aims to radically change how oil and gas property taxes are calculated,” explains how that bill would have directly benefitted Hendrix.\n\nTwo days after the Landmine article came out,Giessel withdrew the bill.\n\nHendrix has remained persistent. Public records obtained by the Landmine show on December 5, 2026 Hendrix and Furie executives met with Acting Revenue Commissioner, Attorney General-designee Stephen Cox, and Kenai Peninsula Borough Mayor Peter Micciche. The Department of Law told the Landmine they could not comment on matters of litigation. But I confirmed the meeting was made at the request of Hendrix and was about his long-sought-after massive property tax reduction.\n\nA year after Giessel’s bill died a quick death, Hendrix found another patsy to try and benefit his business. This time it was Senator Jesse Bjorkman (R – Nikiski).\n\nIn February 2024, Bjorkman introduced a bill that would have had the state forcibly acquire private overriding royalties in Cook Inlet. These are essentially other royalties paid to private parties that typically help develop an oil or gas field. Hendrix was aware of the overriding royalties when he bought Fuire out of bankruptcy in 2019. But he wants to get rid of them.\n\nThis Landmine article, “Hendrix Handout: Senate bill would have state forcibly acquire private overriding royalties in Cook Inlet,” explains how the bill would have allowed the state, through eminent domain, to forcibly acquire overriding royalties in Cook Inlet. The vast majority of gas in Cook Inlet is produced by Hilcorp. They never asked for this provision.\n\nWhen I tried to talk to Bjorkman and warn him about the bill and Hendrix, he claimed the bill had nothing to do with Furie or Hendrix, and that he had not spoken to Hendrix about it. A week later, I obtained a letter from Furie written months before Bjorkman introduced the bill.\n\nThe letter proposed to do precisely what Bjorkman’s bill did. The letter was sent from Mark Slaughter, Furie’s chief commercial officer, to Taia Energy, owned by Houston based geologist/geophysical interpreter, Carl Marrullier – who owns a small overriding royalty in the Kitchen Lights Unit for work he did many years ago.\n\nThis Landmine article, “December letter from Furie proposed nearly identical acquisition of overriding royalties as new bill from Sen. Bjorkman,” provides more detail.\n\nUnlike Giessel’s bill, which was withdrawn a week after she introduced it, Bjorkman’s bill died a slow death. It failed to ever get a single hearing.\n\nIt appears Hendrix may have better luck getting a handout from the House majority than the Senate majority.\n\nFields’ HB 271 is scheduled for a hearing on February 4 at 1 pm in the House Resources Committee. And guess who is providing invited testimony? Mark Slaughter, Furie’s chief commercial officer who wrote the above referenced letter that proposed to do exactly what Bjorkman’s bill tried to do.",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/an-interview-with-alan-lambert-on-his-role-in-the-film-blue-moon/",
    "title": "An interview with Alan Lambert on his role in the film “Blue Moon”",
    "text": "Alan Lambert is a Dublin based artist who has been working in film and television for over 30 years. He has painted murals, backdrops, portraits and various other artwork found within the worlds of projects like the Oscar winning “Poor Things”, Netflix’s hit series “Wednesday”, and Ridley Scott’s “The Last Duel”.\n\nLambert spoke with me about his experience drawing the caricatures for “Blue Moon”, the Oscar nominated movie about legendary Broadway lyricist Lorenz Hart (longtime partner with Richard Rogers until the even more legendary partnership of Rogers & Hammerstein)—played by a never-better Ethan Hawke. The film takes place entirely at Sardi’s, a famous Broadway bar littered with caricatures, which was lovingly recreated in Dublin for the film. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.\n\nHow did you get involved in “Blue Moon”?\n\nThere’s a bit of a history to “Blue Moon” because [of] production designer Susie Cullen. I was in college with her. We graduated together in the 1980s. She studied film. I studied painting. She started working in art performance, I was the last person for her to call if artwork came up. She gave me my first big break on a film called “Moll Flanders” in 1995, so I’ve been working with Susie for years. When “Blue Moon” came along and Susie was designing it – I hadn’t done caricatures before – she usually gives me a call to see how I feel about something, and I said ‘Yeah, let’s just get stuck in and see how it goes.’\n\nWorking on “Blue Moon” also has a lot to do with how things have changed in the art film industry in the past few years. The art film industry has gone through some quiet periods and some very busy periods, but in the past four or five years there really has been a boom. A lot of international productions started coming here. So something like “Blue Moon”, you could very easily watch this and it would not enter your mind that it was made in Ireland.\n\nCan you speak to how the film industry in Ireland has changed to allow more work?\n\nI know that when [the History Channel show] “Vikings” started down in Wicklow. I don’t know how good your geography of Ireland is, but Wicklow is basically the county underneath Dublin which has great forests and is really good for medieval battle fields and stuff. When “Vikings” became really big and was a long running TV series, that was a big influx of work that I think was something new. I think on that basis, a lot of international films realized they could get what they would expect to get in England or France or Scotland probably with easier access in Ireland. So I think there was a trend because “The Last Duel” ended up shooting here in 2020. Ridley Scott had never worked here before, but Ireland is such a logical double for medieval France.\n\nWhat is your history with caricature? Are you a fan of the art form? Have you practiced it before? Did you study it at the Dún Laoghaure institute or the national college of art and design?\n\nI have to admit that the first thing I said to Susie is ‘Well, I don’t really have much experience with caricature.’ But what kind of helped the whole job to start was that it brought me right back to one of my earliest experiences as an artist. In the mid 1980s during my summer breaks from school, I used to go into Dublin city center and do portraits in the streets. You have to learn to do them in about two and a half minutes because a lot of people want their kids done, and their kids don’t stay still for longer than about two and a half minutes.\n\nSo I started remembering that because you have to practice. It dawned on me that I have to really get into it. It’s a bit like playing a musical, right? You have to get over the nervousness and be able to produce a drawing that people will be satisfied with so they’ll give you the five pounds. So I said to Susie, ‘I’ll just pretend I’m doing street art. I will go home, put myself on a timer, and I’ll try to get a usable caricature done in five or eight minutes.’ I just practiced that until we got a routine together.\n\nIn terms of style, we studied loads of actual caricatures from the period. Each caricature artist seems to have their own kind of device. One artist might have a thing where it’s all about the nose. It’s all about enlarging things. Huge nose, huge ears, you know? And obviously, they are always quite comic.\n\nOnce I had the technique, we were able to plow through them. And it was a lot of them, I think I did about 60 [caricatures] by the end.\n\nDid you get to read the script before starting your work? Did you get to visit the set? Did either of those inform your approach to the caricatures at all?\n\nI would’ve been given key pages, but I didn’t read the entire script. Unfortunately, I didn’t make it to the set. I usually do, but on this occasion, it was just so busy at the time that once construction was ahead, I didn’t manage to get any free time. I was miles away down in Ashbourne because [the Netflix show] “Wednesday” had started.\n\nThe situation for “Blue Moon” is unusual. Usually stuff is on set because it’s a mural or it’s heavily set dressed like it’s somebody’s artwork in their bedroom or it’s a backdrop, so it has to be made physically on set. [“Blue Moon”] was so expansive that it nearly was a backdrop, but it was still all stuff I could draw at home and simply send down to them.\n\nYou created both new caricatures and recreations of the ones from Sardi’s, how did you approach creating the two differ?\n\nOne thing that I was very aware of is that you can have something that looks right for the period or you can have something that looks like a modern artist has interpreted it. If you’re not concentrating, things can start to slip so that you end up with stuff that you hadn’t realized how modern it’s starting to look. With doing all the [recreations], I didn’t really have to worry about that because the [reference] photographs were from the period. The photographs and their clothes are so much of the period that it kind of keeps me in that frame of mind.\n\nBut then when it comes to the actors, you are looking at modern photographs. Photographs taken from their IMDb where they’re wearing modern clothes, so you have to make sure you pull back into the period look. You really just do that by being very careful about the line, about the composition. I think that is what I was particularly pleased by with that job because when I go back and look at that one of Ethan [Hawke], to me, I would believe that it was on a menu from the period.\n\nFor the recreations, you were working off pictures of people from that time period? You weren’t looking at the original caricatures?\n\nNo, I was drawing new caricatures off photos of the actors. The researchers were sending me [photos of who] they thought were the good actors and relevant people that would be in that gallery. But at the same time, even though you have to get the likenesses for some of the caricatures because they’re supposed to be recognizable, there are also a lot of old actors I wouldn’t have recognized. I wouldn’t even recognize their names. And for a younger audience, it’s a whole generation that would kind of be not that widely known to most of them.\n\nThere was a point where I would kind of say, ‘Look, I don’t know if this caricature is a really good likeness or not, but we kind of have to just keep going.’ So there might be a percentage in there that if those actors were sitting on my stool in the street with me drawing for them, they might not give me the five pounds.\n\nBut obviously I was referring to the original caricatures to make sure it was the right colors and the right style of line. The references I was sent of the Sardi’s [caricatures], I stuck very much to those. The whole time I was working, I would’ve had those references open on my desktop just so they were never out of my field of vision, so I’d always be able to see if I went off at all. There were about four pieces I just looked at all time.\n\nYou were practicing to finish each caricature in five to eight minutes, did that end up being the average time to complete each piece?\n\nThat mightn’t include actually finishing and coloring them. I was doing them with wash and ink on paper. Once I had the caricature right, I would put a little bit of shadow in. Then I’d scan it, and finish all the coloring in photoshop. So the physical originals are just black and white.\n\nWhen I say getting it right in five or eight or ten minutes, I mean just so that the actual rudiment of the drawing is gonna work. Then I might spend another 20 minutes or half an hour fiddling around with the color in photoshop. I had a template set up in photoshop to make sure it stayed all in the same colors and style. I would just pop the drawing in on the same filters, so that kind of sped it up.\n\nLet’s say for example, I would’ve been sent photographs of references in batches of about ten at a time. I would say, ‘I’m going to do these ten. I’m going to give myself four hours to do them.’ Put on the alarm, and try to stick to that. That’s where it’s very much like street art.\n\nHow long did you have to complete all 60 caricatures?\n\nAs far as I remember, we did them over quite a long period. I was doing them in batches of ten at a time, and I could’ve been doing them over a week or two each batch. It could’ve been six weeks to two months.\n\nIs that typically how long you’re on a project?\n\nIt really does vary a lot. I was trying to schedule a few different jobs at the same time, and I have to explain that sometimes I simply have to rotate loads of things. Sometimes you can’t really. On “The Last Duel” we were on the crew for like three months, but that’s very unusual. I would usually just pop in and do a mural on the set for a few days, and then go on to work on something else. And then when they need me again, I’ll come back. Most of the time I’m on an item basis. With “Blue Moon” it was a bit looser because it wasn’t an item, but it was a single body of work.\n\nDid all your pieces have to be finished before set was constructed?\n\nNo, as soon I had a new batch, I would just email them off. They’d print them off, frame them, and bring them around, pop them on set. It was just ongoing. As they were constructing, they just kept putting them up. It’s only the shoot date where everything has to be ready. Once we finished for the actual shoot, all the crew wanted to get theirs done, and some of the producers wanted to get theirs done. I actually did two of Richard Linklater.\n\nYou mentioned at the end of shoot, everyone on the crew wanted a caricature. How was it decided who actually ended up getting one?\n\nIt kind of gets back to what a small [film] community there was in Ireland for a long time. It meant that you pretty much knew everybody. By the time we get to do caricatures of the crew, I know all the crew. Some of them I would’ve been in college with as well as Susie. So a list will come to me, and I say fine. I would text them, and they would text me their own pictures. It’s kind of taken out of the loop when it’s just between me and them, which was nice. When it comes to the producers and the director, that’s different because their photographs have to be sourced and sent.\n\nWere you given any direction when starting your work?\n\nI just did samples to begin with and then comments began on the basis of the sample. The comments were mostly about the color, composition, and style. It was mainly about them looking right for the period and the likenesses looking right. That’s a running theme whenever you are representing characters in art on film sets. That basically if they aren’t recognizable, they aren’t going to be doing the job they have to do in the story.\n\nAs a director yourself, have you picked up any tricks while working for big name directors like Richard Linklater on “Blue Moon” or Ridley Scott on “The Last Duel”?\n\nWhen you say ‘you’ve worked with Richard Linklater’, I’m at the end of a long chain. Like I didn’t actually meet him or have direct communication with him. But with Ridley Scott, what I found really refreshing is that he had a very straight forward, very down to earth way of communicating. He didn’t use much specialized terms. We had one meeting with him, and he was very clear. ‘I like these shields. I like these colors. Maybe we could get a bit of metal trim on the day etc. Let’s go for the glossy ones.’ Then walk on. Everything is clear. You don’t have to look anything up.\n\nA lot of younger directors, a lot of younger filmmakers, they’ve been studying so much they may not realize how much jargon they are actually using. That’s what I found refreshing about Ridley Scott and [The Last Duel production designer] Arthur Max. They’ve been around for so long and had to communicate with so many people over the years that I found their communication was really straight forward which was nice.\n\nHow was tackling the caricatures of Ethan Hawke, Andrew Scott, Margaret Qualley, and the rest of the cast?\n\nWe did different passes for a few of them. Obviously I’m familiar with Ethan Hawke and Andrew Scott and the Irish actors surrounding them, but I hadn’t seen “The Substance” and it had been a long time since I’d seen “Once Upon A Time In Hollywood”, so I didn’t recognize Margaret Qualley.\n\nThe first thing we did was google caricatures of Ethan Hawke. And I began to realize even though he is very very familiar to me – he’s a very good actor, and he’s great on screen – when you start to try to draw him, it’s actually quite tricky. A lot of the caricatures we were finding online, I didn’t think really captured him.\n\nBut also at that point, I hadn’t seen any images of his makeup and him in character. So the first few test ones that I would’ve done didn’t connect really. It wasn’t until I saw what he was gonna be like that I realized I’m not drawing a caricature of Ethan Hawke. I’m drawing a caricature of him playing Lorenz Hart. There’s a double layer on it.\n\nOne thing I’m still trying to remind myself of is this, and I don’t know if many people will relate to this, maybe portrait artists, but you really need to know a person before you know if your portrait looks like them or not. It’s one thing if I’m very familiar with an actor like Ethan Hawke, but if it’s an actor I am simply being shown still photographs of, the best thing for me to do is go away and just look at them in their films because when you see them moving it’s completely different. When you see them moving, you get a much better idea.\n\nWhen you saw the caricatures in the final film on the big screen, how did it make you feel?\n\nThis could be potentially embarrassing. I have looked at the trailers, and I’ve looked at everything, but I haven’t actually seen [the film] yet. I didn’t go see it because I literally didn’t have the time to go. People who work in cinema never have time to go see a film. I’m going to go see it next week. I’m looking forward to seeing it, obviously. The last thing you’d expect would have been I didn’t read the script, I wasn’t on set, and I haven’t seen the film. But to talk about what you had in mind, it’s very satisfying when you see your work in context.\n\nYou have a long list of credits on a lot of phenomenal projects, do you still get affected seeing your work on screen?\n\nOne thing I find very interesting and one thing I find, in quite a strange way, reassuring in my career is that I still get nervous by every single job. No matter how simple it is and no matter how many times I’ve done it before, there’s just that instinctive thing that kicks in where you just want it to be right. I think the flip side of that is, even after 30 years, there is still a little bit of excitement when you turn on the tv and see your name in the credits. You never grow out of that.\n\nAs we come to an end here, is there anything you’d like to share that I missed asking about?\n\nThere are so many art related jobs in film and the lines between them are kind of fuzzy. Like my job title is scenic artist, which might be a bit misleading because I’m not actually painting scenery. But when you look at these caricatures, I think they are a very good example of the very very specific part of the art in film.\n\nThey’re not artwork being physically made by a person in the film. That’s a different matter if you’re making a painting that’s a work in progress because an actor is supposed to be able to paint on it, and you’re half into props and half into set [decoration]. And it’s also not a backdrop that you’re painting out the back window, which is a whole different kind of painting job again. Then there is all the decorative art that the specialist painters will do.\n\nOften a lot of people don’t realize nearly everything you look at in a film has been built. Every marble floor you see people walking across is actually plywood that has actually been hand painted. Everybody has decades worth of film watching, but it’s only when you start to work in film that you realize these films you’ve been watching all your life, some of which are your favorite you watch again and again and again, are all made on sets.\n\nGrant Keller is a freelance writer with a BFA in screenwriting from Chapman University. He was previously a film columnist for Cheddar News.",
    "author": "Grant Keller",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/treg-taylor-bernadette-wilson-and-adam-crum-the-republican-gubernatorial-gaslighters/",
    "title": "The Republican gubernatorial gaslighters: Treg Taylor, Bernadette Wilson, and Adam Crum",
    "text": "The first campaign finance reports for gubernatorial and legislative candidates came out last week. With 17 candidates in the race for governor, many political observers were waiting to see who the top fundraisers are to gauge who may be rising to the top of the field.\n\nThe large field in the race for governor is due to Governor Mike Dunleavy (R – Alaska) being termed out. This is the first time there has not been an incumbent governor in Alaska since 2002, when former Governor Knowles was termed out.\n\nOf the 17 candidates who have so far filed to run for governor (12 Republicans, 3 Democrats, 2 independents), 13 filed year-start campaign finance reports, though only nine reported raising more than $200,000. Candidates collectively reported raising $4.3 million.\n\nThree of the reports stood out because of comments and social media posts made by the candidates. Republican candidates Treg Taylor, Bernadette Wilson, and Crooked Adam Crum would lead you to believe that they all have huge grassroots support. But a more careful inspection of their campaign finance reports paints a very different picture.\n\nTreg Taylor, who previously served as Governor Dunleavy’s attorney general,reported raising $880,000– an impressive number at first glance.\n\nTaylor posted a tearful video to his Facebook pagethanking all of the people who donated to his campaign. Taylor exclaimed that 89% of his donations came from Alaskans, “Teachers, roofers, heavy equipment operators, you name it, we had so much support!”\n\nBut Taylor left out a few important details. Taylor wrote a check to his campaign for $250,000, plus another $37,000 he spent on campaign items such as food and travel. This $287,000 represents 32% of his campaign income.\n\nTaylor also had four megadonors who contributed large amounts:\n\nThese donations, totaling $190,000, represent 21.6% of Taylor’s campaign income. John Morris’ donation alone is 11.2% of Taylor’s campaign income. These donations, combined with the $287,000 Taylor put into his campaign, represents 53.5% of his total campaign income.\n\nEleven people donated $10,000 or more to Taylor’s campaign:\n\nThese donations, totaling $134,120, represent 15% of Taylor’s campaign income. These donations combined with the $287,000 he put into his campaign, plus that of the four megadonors, represents 69.4% of his income\n\nTwenty-six people donated between $5,000 and $7,500 to Taylor, totaling another $139,000. These donations account for 15.9% of his donations.\n\nThis means Taylor’s own money, plus the donations of of just 41 people, accounts for nearly 85% of his campaign income.\n\nBernadette Wilson’s report is one of the strangest campaign finance reports I have ever seen. It’s so convoluted it took nearly as much time to decipher her report than all the others combined.\n\nWilson reported raising $305,000, but $35,700 of that, or 11.7%, came from in-kind contributions. Some examples include $13,500 from Stephanie Williams for a variety of campaign services, $5,000 from Jonathan Quick for “work on website,” and $5,000 to Portia Erickson for “web development management.”\n\nFlorida resident Kevin Gavin donated $50,000, representing 16.3% of her campaign income.\n\nWilson posted a video to her Facebook pagefeaturing the 1995 song “This Is How We Do It” by Montell Jordan. The 15-second video has a graphic atop prominently displaying “nearly 1500 individual donors” and scrolls through the donation section of her report at a high speed, making it appear she has massive grassroots support.\n\nHer smaller donations are where it gets weird. A deeper inspection of her report shows something very unusual.\n\nWilson lists 1,066 donations of $50 or less. Of these 1,066 donations, 894 of them, or 83.9%, are from out-of-state.\n\nWilson lists 584 donations of $15 or less. All of these are from out-of-state.\n\nOf Wilson’s $268,000 in cash donations, 40% comes from out-of-state.\n\nWilson’s report shows an expense of $30,245 to WinRed, a popular Republican fundraising platform for credit card donations. Her report claims the WinRed expense is for, “Credit card processing fees for this reporting cycle.” But WinRed charges a standard processing fee of 3.94% for most donations. Wilson would have needed to raise $780,000 from just credit card donations to justify the $30,245 WinRed fee.\n\nWilson appears to be using WinRed to solicit hundreds of small donations to make it appear she has a large grassroots support. But the vast majority of these small donations are from out-of-state, something Wilson left out of her “This Is How We Do It” video.\n\nCrooked Adam Crum, who previously served as Governor Dunleavy’s Revenue commissioner and Health commissioner,reported raising $347,000.\n\nUnlike Taylor and Wilson, Crooked Crum did not post a video of him in tears or a video featuring a popular 90s song. But he did send out a press release and shared a propaganda laced article.\n\nCrum’s press release and Facebook post would lead you to believe he has had an “outpouring of support.” His press release claims “209 individual donors contributed during the reporting period, with over 60% of donations coming from Alaska.”\n\nBut like Taylor and Wilson, that is misleading.\n\nCrum donated $60,000 to his campaign, representing 17.3% of his campaign income. But Crooked Crum also had a lot of help from his family. Crum’s family members contributed a whopping $101,000 to his campaign.\n\nThese family donations account for 29% of Crooked Crum’s campaign income. Combined with the $60,000 he gave himself, 46.4% of Crooked Crum’s campaign income came from himself and his family.\n\nEleven others donated between $5,000 and $10,000 to Crooked Crum’s campaign:\n\nThese donations, totaling $60,100, represent 17.3% of Crooked Crum’s campaign income. These donations combined with the $60,000 he put into his campaign, plus that of his family, represents 63.7% of his total campaign income.",
    "author": "Jeff Landfield",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/the-sunday-minefield-march-1-2026/",
    "title": "The Sunday Minefield – March 1, 2026",
    "text": "The 121-day session (constitutional limit) is already a third of the way through. The House passed the nearly $500 million supplemental budget, but failed to fund it. The finance committees got a sobering briefing on the Permanent Fund from the investment consulting firm Callan. The House Resources Committee passed a bill from committee that directly benefits HEX/Furie ownerJohn Hendrix. Two more people filed to run for the Legislature, including the first person for the open Bethel Senate seat. And some politicos are on the move.\n\nIf you have not seen the newest feature on the Landmine, make sure to check out “Juneau on the Loose: Juneau’s Unofficial Events Calendar.” If you know about or have an event happening in Juneau, like a reception or fundraiser or party, please send me the info (jeff@alaskalandmine.com) and I will get it added to the calendar. Thanks to the people who have sent events so far. There are three for the upcoming week.\n\nA friendly message and reminder to all our readers. The Landmine is made possible by myself and a team of awesome Alaskans. I have been covering the legislative session in Juneau for the last seven years and am now here for my eighth session. We will be covering all the 2026 Alaska elections in-depth. If you enjoy the content we provide, please consider making a one time or recurring monthly donation. You canclick here to donate. We have a system that makes it super easy. We would really appreciate it. And thanks to everyone who has been supportive.\n\nLegislative candidates pull in $1.2 million in first round of reports\n\nThe following is an excerpt from a recent special edition of the Alaska Political Report. Youcan click herefor more information about the Political Report. A subscription is $1,299/year per organization. Discounted pricing is available for non-profits and government entities. Our coverage of the budget starts with the governor’s proposed budget, and we track everything in detail through the entire process. If you have any questions or would like to subscribe, please email jeff@akpoliticalreport.com.\n\nMore than 60 candidates running for 50 legislative seats filed their first campaign finance reports, which were due on Feb. 17. These reports cover the start of the campaign to Feb. 1, 2026. Candidates are allowed to file for office 18 months prior to the election, which in this case is the August primary. Candidates are not required to indicate if they are running for the House or Senate when filing a letter of intent with APOC, though they often do. Candidates must declare which office they are seeking by June 1, the filing deadline with the Division of Elections.\n\nTotal income from legislative candidates for this reporting period is $1.2 million. Candidates collectively reported almost $148,000 beginning cash on hand – leftover money from prior campaigns candidates are allowed to use for a future campaign. House candidates can transfer $5,000 to a future campaign, and Senate candidates $10,000. Candidates collectively spent over $333,000 on campaign expenses. And after debts, candidates collectively report just under $1 million cash on hand.\n\nOf the top 20 biggest fundraisers, 17 are incumbents. The largest fundraiser was Anchorage Republican Sen.Cathy Giessel, who reported more than $91,000 in income. The largest non-incumbent fundraiser was former Democratic Rep.Cliff Groh, who is running to win back the seat he lost in 2024 to Anchorage Republican Rep.David Nelson– who is not seeking re-election.Grohreported more than $86,000 in income.\n\nBelow is a summary of candidates’ campaign reports and what seat they are running for, if declared. Note that since a Ninth Circuit ruling in 2021 struck down Alaska’s $500 per year individual-to-candidate contribution limit, and a later APOC order in 2022, individual-to-candidate contributions are unlimited in Alaska. They will remain unlimited unless the Legislature passes a bill with new limits or voters approve a ballot initiative that imposes limits. Neither seem likely for this campaign cycle.\n\nThe next campaign finance report for legislative races, the 30-day report, is due on July 20. Those reports will cover activity from Feb 2. – July 17.\n\nWe are only including detailed analysis for candidates who reported raising more than $20,000. We include a basic analysis for candidates who raised under $20,000.\n\nIf you would like to see the rest of this section, as well as a comprehensive breakdown of the legislative candidates’ APOC reports, please consider subscribing to the Alaska Political Report. Email jeff@akpoliticalreport.com for a copy of the latest special report.\n\nThe House passed the nearly $500 million FY 2026 supplemental budget, but fell six votes short of the 30 needed to access the Constitutional Budget Reserve (CBR) to fund it. Only three members of the 19-member Republican minority voted to access the CBR. Note that most of the items in the supplemental budget came at the request of GovernorMike Dunleavy(R – Alaska), and represent money already spent on things like wildfire suppression and natural disasters, like Typhoon Halong.\n\nAnother key item is the $70 million for highway projects thatDunleavyvetoed last year due to his issues with the funding source. He later put the money back in the supplemental budget. The construction industry is pushing for the money to get funded because it comes with a 9-1 federal match. If the money is not approved they worry about the upcoming summer construction season.\n\nThe supplemental bill is now in the Senate. Depending what the Senate does, there are two more opportunities to pass the supplemental budget – either through a concurrence vote if the House agrees with the Senate’s changes or after a conference committee if the House does not agree with the changes. But either way, 15 votes in the Senate and 30 votes in the House are needed to fund it.\n\nCallan CEOGreg Allenand SVPSteven Centerpresented to the House and Senate Finance Committees on the performance and asset allocation of the Permanent Fund. They also discussed the risks posed by the current structure of the Fund. It was a sobering presentation from people disconnected from Alaska politics. HearingAllenlay out concise and simple arguments about why drawing too much money from the fund is a bad idea and how the draw rate would actually be higher in the future if we took less now (because of compounding interest) was something a lot of people need to hear.\n\nThe House Resources Committee passed out House Bill 271 by a 7-2 vote. It now heads to the House Finance Committee. The bill is another political handout toJohn Hendrix. This Landmine article, “House Resources Committee advances bill that directly benefits John Hendrix,” provides more detail.\n\nAs it always seems to happen in Alaska, we may yet again be receiving a bailout from high oil prices following the attack on Iran this weekend. It will take a week or two to understand what the effects on prices will be for the near future,but oil futures are up 10%and some analysts are talking about $100/barrel oil.\n\nFinance members \"monitoring the situation\" in Iran as oil futures are skyrocketing.#aklegpic.twitter.com/ViiEbOhb0Z\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)March 1, 2026\n\nWayne Morgan, a registered independent from Aniak, filed for the open Senate seat SenatorLyman Hoffman(D – Bethel) is retiring from. He’s the first person to file for the seat sinceHoffmanannounced his retirement last June.Hoffmansaid he wants SpeakerBryce Edgmon(I – Dillingham) to succeed him, butEdgmonhas still not said if he will run for the Senate seat or stay in his House seat.This December Landmine articleexplainsEdgmon’shesitation. IfEdgmondoes decide to run for the Senate seat, it will look defensive now instead of offensive.\n\nWow! Someone finally filed to run for the open Senate seat Sen. Lyman Hoffman (D) is vacating. Independent Wayne Morgan of Aniak filed yesterday.#akleg\n\nHoffman announced he was retiring last June. He said he would support Speaker Edgmon for the seat, but Edgmon has refused to…pic.twitter.com/q7R7iTYY5M\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 24, 2026\n\nRepresentativeJustin Ruffridge(R – Soldotna) also picked up an opponent.\n\nDale Francisco, a registered Undeclared, filed a letter of intent to run against Rep. Justin Ruffridge.#aklegpic.twitter.com/QxYAGVaEJ1\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 26, 2026\n\nIsTreg Tayloror  his wifeJodi Taylorrunning for governor?\n\nHow bizarre.#aklegpic.twitter.com/2JtWYqiQHH\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 28, 2026\n\nGuess who the residents of Campbell Lake will be voting for?!\n\nThere’s been a lot of chatter that former Sen. Natasha von Imhof is going to run against Anchorage Mayor Suzanne LaFrance. Von Imhof has been meeting with people and trying to line up support. The Anchorage mayoral election will be held in April 2027.#akleg\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)March 1, 2026\n\nThe Anchorage Economic Development Corporation announcedJon Bittneras their new CEO. Congrats,Jon!\n\nAEDC announced Jon Bittner as their new CEO.pic.twitter.com/c6uYSkRYwL\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 25, 2026\n\nRick Whitbeck, who recently left his role as RepresentativeNick Begich’s(R – Alaska) state director, has been hired as the director for strategic engagement for the CDQ group Coastal Village Region Fund. Congrats,Rick!\n\nVice PresidentJD Vancewill be in Anchorage on Friday. It’s not clear yet what his schedule is or where he will be, but sources tell me he will be doing an event for SenatorDan Sullivan(R – Alaska).\n\nDamn. Sources have reported that@JDVancewill be in Anchorage next Friday! Sounds like he’s a doing a fundraiser and/or event for@SenDanSullivan.#akleg\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 26, 2026\n\nThis week saw a lot of deserving candidates, but one stood out. This week’sLoose Unitis Republican gubernatorial candidateBernadette Wilson.\n\nThe first campaign finance reports came out on February 17. I always do a deep analysis of them for the Alaska Political Report. When I started glancing throughWilson’sone thing immediately jumped out – the sheer number of small donations. But a deeper look revealed one of the strangest campaign finance reports I have ever seen. It’s so convoluted it took nearly as much time to decipher her report than all the others combined.\n\nAfter she filed her report,Wilsonposted a video to her Facebook pagefeaturing the 1995 song “This Is How We Do It” byMontell Jordan. The 15-second video has a graphic atop prominently displaying “nearly 1500 individual donors” and scrolls through the donation section of her report at a high speed, making it appear she has massive grassroots support.\n\nBut here is where it gets very loose.Wilsonis attempting to run a major gaslighting operating.\n\nWilsonlists 1,066 donations of $50 or less. Of these 1,066 donations, 894 of them, or 83.9%, are from out-of-state.Wilsonlists 584 donations of $15 or less. All of these are from out-of-state. So much for all that grassroots support! Maximum loose.\n\nWilson’sreport also shows an expense of $30,245 to WinRed, a popular Republican fundraising platform for credit card donations. Her report claims the WinRed expense is for, “Credit card processing fees for this reporting cycle.” But WinRed charges a standard processing fee of 3.94% for most donations.Wilsonwould have needed to raise $780,000 from just credit card donations to justify the $30,245 WinRed fee.\n\nWilson appears to be using WinRed to solicit hundreds of small donations to make it appear she has a large grassroots support. But the vast majority of these small donations are from out-of-state, somethingWilsonleft out of her “This Is How We Do It” video.  Classic Loose Unit behavior.\n\nIf you have a nomination for this week’sLoose Unit, or if you have any political news, stories or gossip (or any old pics of politicians or public officials) please email me at jeff@alaskalandmine.com.",
    "author": "Jeff Landfield",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/brad-keithleys-chart-of-the-week-the-impact-of-gov-dunleavys-proposed-sales-tax-by-legislative-district/",
    "title": "Brad Keithley’s Chart of the Week: The impact of Gov. Dunleavy’s proposed sales tax by legislative district",
    "text": "Replacing cuts in the Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD) with the type of sales tax recently proposed by Governor Mike Dunleavy (R – Alaska) as a funding source for state government would result inreducingthe level of government take from the median-income Alaska household in 39 of the 40 Alaska House Districts and all 20 Alaska Senate Districts.\n\nPut another way, the median-income household in virtually all of Alaska’s legislative districts would retain more income –have more money in their pockets– if the state used a sales tax, along the lines recently proposed by Governor Dunleavy, to raise state revenue rather than through PFD cuts.\n\nA significant contributor to that result is the use of a state sales tax, which would materially diversify the state’s revenue sources by including non-residents. By materially increasing the share of state revenue derived from non-resident sources, the need for revenue from Alaskans would decline sharply.\n\nAs the recent report from the University of Alaska-Anchorage’s Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER) on the“Economic Impacts of Alaska Fiscal Options 2026”explains, using PFD cuts to fill the budget gap reduces Alaskan income by 86% of each dollar raised. On the other hand, using the sales tax proposed by Governor Dunleavy would reduce Alaskan income by only 74% of each dollar raised, resulting in a net 12% reduction in the contributions required from Alaskans to raise the same amount of overall revenue.\n\nAt the overall annual revenue level of approximately $775 million projected for the Governor’s proposed sales tax in thefiscal note to Senate Bill 227, that alone amounts to $93 million – or nearly $400 per average Alaska household – in revenue received from non-resident sources that Alaskans would instead keep in their own pockets.\n\nUsing a variation of the Governor’s proposal, what the ISER study refers to as “Sales Tax: More Exclusions,” would reduce the state government’s call on Alaskans’ income by even more, to 68% of each dollar raised, resulting in a net reduction of nearly 20% in the revenue required from Alaskans. At the Governor’s proposed revenue level, that would amount to nearly $140 million – or nearly $600 per average Alaska household – in net savings for Alaskans.\n\nAs we indicated, in total, replacing PFD cuts with the proposed sales tax would reduce the level of government take from median-income Alaska households in 39 of the 40 Alaska House Districts and in all 20 Alaska Senate Districts.\n\nThe one exception in the House is Representative Ky Holland’s (I – Anchorage) House District 9, the wealthiest district in the state as measured by median household income.\n\nThe House districts that would benefit most from substituting the type of sales tax recently proposed by Governor Dunleavy are those in rural Alaska, led by House District 39, represented by Representative Neal Foster (D – Nome), and House District 38, represented by Representative Nellie Jimmie (D – Toksook Bay). The Senate district that would benefit most is Senate District T, represented by Senator Donny Olson (D – Golovin), followed by Senate District S, represented by Senator Lyman Hoffman (D – Bethel).\n\nThe median Alaska household in each district represents the midpoint. There are equal numbers of households in the district with incomes above and below the median. If the median-income household in a district benefits, then those with lower incomes would benefit as well, to an increasing degree. In districts where the median-income household benefits, some households in the upper half of the income distribution also benefit. If the median-income household in a district benefits, the majority of the households in the district will also benefit.\n\nInprevious columns, we have estimated that, statewide, 80% of Alaska households, those in the middle- and lower-income brackets, would benefit from replacing PFD cuts with the type of sales tax recently proposed by Governor Dunleavy. Only non-residents, who currently contribute nothing toward the costs of state government but would under Governor Dunleavy’s proposal, and those in the upper-income brackets, who currently contribute only a trivial amount to the costs of government using PFD cuts, but would contribute at least some more using a sales tax, would contribute more than they currently do.\n\nBut even then, those groups would still contribute less as a share of income than middle- and lower-income households.\n\nBy ensuring that non-residents contribute, Alaska would also treat non-residents coming to the state the same way Alaskans are treated when traveling to the other forty-five states (plus the District of Columbia) that have a sales tax. By paying sales taxes on goods and services purchased while in those states (including major destinations such as Arizona, Florida, Hawaii, Texas, and Washington), Alaskans contribute to those states’ government revenue, thereby reducing the burden on their residents. By implementing a sales tax of its own, Alaska would similarly require non-residents purchasing goods and services in Alaska to contribute to the costs of Alaska’s state government, reducing the burden on Alaska families.\n\nIn short, it would help balance the current one-way street, in which Alaskans contribute a portion of their income to reduce the cost of distant government when visiting another state, but those states’ residents don’t reciprocate when visiting here.\n\nHere are the results by House District. Results for Senate Districts can be calculated by combining data from the two House districts within each Senate District.\n\nIn the chart, themedian household incomeandaverage household sizefor each district are taken directly from the most recent Census Bureau 5-year data, covering 2019 to 2024.\n\nThe per-PFD reduction is calculated by dividing $775 million, the average annual amount projected to be raised by Governor Dunleavy’s proposed sales tax, by 625,000, the approximate number of current PFD recipients. The result is the amount by which each PFD would need to be reduced to raise the same amount of revenue as projected for the Governor’s proposed sales tax.\n\nThe per-household PFD cut is derived by multiplying the per-PFD reduction by the district’s average household size. The result approximates the impact of using PFD cuts on the median-income household in each district. Because the amount realized by restoring the PFD would be subject to federal income tax, we reduce the impact of restoring the PFD by the level of federal income tax that would be paid on it (7.56%), calculated at the average effective tax rate applicable to middle-income Alaska households, into which the median household would fall, from themost recent state-level data published by the Internal Revenue Service.\n\nThe sales tax projected to be paid by the typical median-income family is estimated by multiplying the median household income by a 1.86% effective tax rate. The 1.86% rate is based on the assumption that the overall average effective tax rate on goods and services covered by the Governor’s seasonal tax proposal is 3% (the average of the proposed seasonal differentials of 2% and 4%). That rate is not the effective rate on overall income at any income level, however, in large part because the tax does not apply to housing costs, which constitute a significant share of any household budget. Because the share of income spent on taxed goods and services declines as income rises, the effective tax rate as a share of income also declines.\n\nWe estimate the effective tax rate for middle-income Alaska households by using the distributional curve reported for the South Dakota state sales tax (“General Sales – Individuals”), on which the Governor’s proposal is patterned,as included in the most recent “Who Pays” state tax analysis from the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP).\n\nWe then compare the impact on the median-income household in each district of raising the projected $775 million in revenue by either cutting the PFD or restoring the PFD cut and substituting the Governor’s proposed sales tax. The numbers in the far-right columns reflect both the absolute dollar differences and the differences expressed as a share of income. A positive number means that using a sales tax takes less than using PFD cuts; a negative number (applicable only to House District 9) means that using PFD cuts would take less.\n\nKeep in mind that these numbers reflect the impact on the median-income household in each district. The negative impact of using PFD cuts rises at income levels below the median; at some point, the negative impact of sales taxes will exceed that of PFD cuts at income levels above the median. The effect on the majority of households in each district (positive or negative) will be in the same direction as the effect on the median-income household.\n\nTo assess whether there are significant differences, we also analyzed the impact on the districts represented by members of the House Finance Committee (HFIN) separately from the impact on the House as a whole.\n\nInterestingly, the median income of the House districts represented on HFIN is somewhat (5%) higher than the median income of the House districts as a whole. Understandably, as a result, the positive impact of using a sales tax to substitute for PFD cuts on the median income of the House districts represented on HFIN is materially (11%) less than on the median income of the House districts as a whole. While the results remain strongly supportive, they suggest that HFIN members may be less inclined at the margin to support using a sales tax to offset PFD cuts than the House and the state as a whole.\n\nAt the HFIN hearing last week on the Governor’s proposed sales tax, some members of HFIN expressed concern that layering a state sales tax on top of local sales taxes could increase the economic burden on their constituents.\n\nThe above analysisshows the opposite, at least for the median-income household in each district. By pairing a restored PFD with the sales tax, the median-income household in almost every district in the state would have more money in their pockets, improving their economic situation and, indeed, even partially reducing the adverse impact of local sales taxes.\n\nSome also argue that the Governor’s proposal would use sales tax revenue to fund a PFD. As we haveexplained elsewhere, that is “fake news,” to use the current vernacular. Under Alaska’s current statutes, PFDs are fully funded entirely from the state’s annual draws from Permanent Fund earnings. What is lacking is full funding for government services. Sales tax revenues would help to fill that hole in a manner that would result in more income in the pockets of the median-income Alaska family than the current approach in 39 of the 40 Alaska House districts, and all 20 Alaska Senate districts, including that of Senator Mike Cronk (R – Tok/Northway), one of thosewho recently has made the “fake news” argument.\n\nIn any event, to the extent that there is a “redistribution of wealth,” as some have falsely claimed, a significant portion of the redistribution would come from non-residents, increasing the amount of overall income remaining in the pockets of Alaskan households.\n\nOthers have also claimed that restoring the PFD would lead to spending cuts. But that is another “fake news” argument. As the above analysis demonstrates, using a sales tax would raise the same amount of revenue to support spending while imposing a materially lower cost on the median-income Alaska family in virtually every Alaska legislative district.\n\nIn short, by using a state sales tax to raise the required level of revenue, Alaskans would realize the same level of state spending at a lower cost to themselves.\n\nThe net result of using a sales tax along the lines proposed by Governor Dunleavy is that the median-income Alaska family in nearly all of the state’s legislative districts would not only retain more income in their pockets, but the state as a whole would benefit by significantly diversifying its sources of revenue and materially reducing the level of government take from Alaska families.\n\nThat, in turn, would free up a significant amount of additional Alaska income to circulate in the state’s economy.\n\nIt’s hard to see why any Alaskan, especially legislators from those districts that would benefit, would oppose that outcome.\n\nBrad Keithley is the Managing Director of Alaskans for Sustainable Budgets, a project focused on developing and advocating for economically robust and durable state fiscal policies. You can follow the work of the project on itswebsite, at@AK4SBon Twitter, on itsFacebook pageor by subscribing to itsweekly podcaston Substack.",
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    "text": "Ask Alaska is a collaboration between the Alaska Landmine and Alaska Survey Research, owned by pollster Ivan Moore. Check out our videos where Ivan asks Alaskans how they feel about a wide range of topics.\n\nWatch Ivan Moore, owner of Alaska Survey Research, ask Alaskans to measure their level of happiness, and then break down their answers by different demographic groups.\n\nAsk Alaska: Season 2, Episode 9: How Happy are Alaskans?\n\nThe Alaska LandmineApril 9, 2024 5:11 pm\n\nWatch Ivan Moore, owner of Alaska Survey Research, ask Alaskans what their favorite restaurants are, and rank the top ten in order.\n\nAsk Alaska: Season 2, Episode 8: Alaskans Favorite Restaurants\n\nThe Alaska LandmineMarch 19, 2024 2:59 pm\n\nWatch Ivan Moore, owner of Alaska Survey Research, ask Alaskans what kind of facial hair they prefer on men, and break down their answers by men and women.\n\nAsk Alaska: Season 2, Episode 7: Men's Facial Hair\n\nThe Alaska LandmineFebruary 28, 2024 4:04 pm\n\nWatch Ivan Moore, owner of Alaska Survey Research, ask Alaskan men what their preferred underwear choice is.\n\nAsk Alaska: Season 2, Episode 6: Alaska's Boxers or Briefs?\n\nThe Alaska LandmineFebruary 14, 2024 1:21 pm\n\nWatch Ivan Moore, owner of Alaska Survey Research, ask Alaskans who their most admired men are, and rank them by the top ten.\n\nAsk Alaska: Season 2, Episode 5: Alaska's Most Admired Men\n\nThe Alaska LandmineFebruary 6, 2024 4:36 pm\n\nWatch Ivan Moore, owner of Alaska Survey Research, ask Alaskans who their  most admired women are, and rank them by the top ten.\n\nAsk Alaska: Season 2, Episode 4: Alaska's Most Admired Women\n\nThe Alaska LandmineJanuary 17, 2024 3:03 pm\n\nWatch Ivan Moore, owner of Alaska Survey Research, ask Alaskans what their favorite movies are, list their top 10 favorite movies, and then break their answers down by different groups.\n\nAsk Alaska: Season 2, Episode 3: Alaskans Favorite Movies\n\nThe Alaska LandmineJanuary 2, 2024 3:09 pm\n\nWatch Ivan Moore, owner of Alaska Survey Research, ask Alaskans what their favorite holiday pies are,  and then break their answers down by different groups.\n\nAsk Alaska: Season 2, Episode 2: Favorite Holiday Pies\n\nThe Alaska LandmineDecember 19, 2023 4:26 pm\n\nWatch Ivan Moore, owner of Alaska Survey Research, ask Alaskans if they celebrate Christmas, and for the ones that do, what kind of tree they prefer.\n\nAsk Alaska: Season 2, Episode 1: What Percentage of Alaskans Celebrate Christmas?\n\nThe Alaska LandmineDecember 5, 2023 5:42 pm\n\n© 2026 The Alaska Landmine. The Alaska Landmine is a owned and operated by Speedogate Media, a division of theLandfield Global Group.Futuaris nisi irrisus ridebis\n\n© 2026 The Alaska Landmine. The Alaska Landmine is a owned and operated by Speedogate Media, a division of theLandfield Global Group.",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/new-house-majority-press-person-resigned-from-homer-news-after-rep-vance-letter-about-charlie-kirk-story/",
    "title": "New House majority press person resigned from Homer News after Rep. Vance letter about Charlie Kirk story",
    "text": "In a story that could probably only happen in Juneau, the mostly Democratic House majority’s new press person has some recent, and dramatic, history with a member of the Republican House minority.\n\nChloe Pleznac resigned as a reporter from the Homer News in October 2025, along with three other staff, after the newspaper’s decision to remove an article Pleznac wrote about a vigil following the assassination of Charlie Kirk.\n\nThe resignation came after Representative Sarah Vance (R – Homer)wrote a letter to the publisher, Carpenter Media Group, expressing disgust about the story.\n\nFrom the opening paragraphs, reporter Chloe Pleznac branded Charlie Kirk with prejudicial labels such as “far-right” and “Christian-Nationalist icon,” while smearing his views as “racist,” “controversial,” and “conspiracy theories.” These are not facts, they are editorial judgments and political talking points. If the intent was to write an opinion piece, it should have been clearly marked as such.\n\nCarpenter Media Group acquiesced to Vance’s demands, pulling down the story and then reposting it with several changes without consulting or informing the editor of the Homer News. Not long after, Pleznac and three other staff resigned. Theywrote an op-ed in the Anchorage Daily Newsexplaining their decision to resign from the newspaper.\n\nIn the aftermath, the story was covered by theNew York Timesand theCanadian Broadcasting Corporation.\n\nOut of a job, Pleznac applied for a press job with House majority. She was hired in November.\n\nPleznac told the Landmine, “Accepting the job wasn’t personal. I needed a job. I am more bothered about the newspaper’s decision to pull the story. I am super grateful and excited for my new role with the House majority.”\n\nIn a twist of irony, the House majority press office is located directly across from Vance’s office!\n\nWhen asked about the House majority’s decision to hire Pleznac, Vance told the Landmine, “I have no personal vendetta against Chloe. If she’s going to be a great staffer, then I wish her success. Me calling out the article was geared at wanting fair and unbiased reporting.”\n\nWhile Vance and Pleznac are now neighbors, the matter is not totally unresolved.\n\nVance is currently facing an ethics probeinto her use of official state letterhead and state resources in the letter she wrote in response to Pleznac’s article about the Charlie Kirk vigil.",
    "author": "Jeff Landfield",
    "date": "Unknown",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/the-sunday-minefield-february-8-2026/",
    "title": "The Sunday Minefield – February 8, 2026",
    "text": "I hope everyone enjoyed the Super Bowl! It was a weird game but many Seahawks fans in Alaska are very happy tonight. We are three weeks into the legislative session, and things are moving right along. GovernorMike Dunleavy(R – Alaska) released his supplemental budget, which adds more to the FY2026 deficit. The House Finance Committee heard GovernorDunleavy’sproposed fiscal plan, which was not received well. A new contract from a Juneau lobbyist resulted in SenatorBert Stedman(R – Sitka) not holding back on his dislike for DigitalBridge. And Former RepresentativeJonathan Kreiss-Tomkinsfiled to run for governor, making him the third Democrat in the race and the sixteenth overall.\n\nI am excited to announce a new feature on the Landmine – “Juneau on the Loose: Juneau’s Unofficial Events Calendar.” If you know about or have an event happening in Juneau, like a reception or fundraiser or party, please send me the info (jeff@alaskalandmine.com) and I will get it added to the calendar. Thanks to the people who have sent events so far. We already have seven for the upcoming week!\n\nA friendly message and reminder to all our readers. The Landmine is made possible by myself and a team of awesome Alaskans. I have been covering the legislative session in Juneau for the last seven years and recently arrived for my eighth session. We will be covering all the 2026 Alaska elections in-depth. If you enjoy the content we provide, please consider making a one time or recurring monthly donation. You canclick here to donate. We have a system that makes it super easy. We would really appreciate it. And thanks to everyone who has been supportive.\n\nDunleavy’s supplemental request adds to FY2026 deficit\n\nThe following is an excerpt from this week’s edition of the Alaska Political Report. Youcan click herefor more information about the Political Report. A subscription is $1,299/year per organization. Discounted pricing is available for non-profits and government entities. Our coverage of the budget starts with the governor’s proposed budget, and we track everything in detail through the entire process. If you have any questions or would like to subscribe, please email jeff@akpoliticalreport.com.\n\nOn Feb. 3, the statutory deadline, Gov.Dunleavyreleased his supplemental budget. The supplemental budget is intended to cover immediate needs of the state that were unanticipated at the time the Governor signed the budget last year.\n\nIn December, with his FY2027 proposed budget, the Governor made funding requests for a handful of urgent FY2026 items, like funding for the state’s transportation improvement program. This most recent release adds needs that, for the most part, don’t have the same level of urgency but still support necessary operations.\n\nThe supplemental budget includes $79 million in new Unrestricted General Fund (UGF) spending, $9 million Designated General Funds (DGF), $752 million Federal, and $99 million in other funds. When combined with the supplemental needs included in his December budget, the new total for UGF supplemental needs is $374 million. Based on the most current revenue forecast, this results in an anticipated $425 million draw from the Constitutional Budget Reserve (CBR) just to balance the current fiscal year.\n\nIn addition to the newly released supplemental budget, recent presentations from the Legislative Finance Division (LFD) have highlighted a few areas of spending that do not appear to be accounted for in the Governor’s budget. Some, like $47 million in Medicaid match, are relatively certain. Others, like the ongoing appeal process over the state’s failure to pass the education disparity test, are not guaranteed to impact state spending.\n\nThis updated fiscal summary adds in newly proposed spending from the Governor and, in the green cells, accounts for some of the costs not yet addressed in the FY2027 budget. Based on these adjustments, it’s unclear if the state will be able to afford even a $1,000 Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD) without a draw from savings in FY2027.\n\nIf you would like to see the rest of this section, as well as a comprehensive breakdown of the entire budget, please consider subscribing to the Alaska Political Report. Email jeff@akpoliticalreport.com for a copy of the latest special report.\n\nHouse finance heard an initial presentation from Department of Revenue officials on GovernorDunleavy’sfiscal package, and it did not go well. Members of the majority and minority criticized different elements of the plan, mostly the sales tax. Many did giveDunleavysome credit for introducing something, but that is about where it ended. However, as has become the norm in Juneau, the Legislature is not offering any kind of plan. Public testimony onDunleavy’splan also did not go well. Unfortunately, too many Alaskans have been conditioned to believe the state can give out free money while no one is expected to contribute state government.\n\nOne thing very interesting was said at an informal House majority press conference on Friday (2/6/2026) morning. RepresentativeNeal Foster(D – Nome) told reporters that if the vote for a sales tax were held today, it very well may be 0-60. Yikes.\n\nSpeaker Edgmon and House leadership are holding a “Coffee with the Speaker” with the press. Unfortunately, it’s not streamed on Gavel. All three finance co-chairs are here as well as Rep. Stutes and Rep. Kopp.#aklegpic.twitter.com/FKHgLsZOiw\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 6, 2026\n\nThe House majority press conference was a kind of on the record press conference. They rarely do ones that are streamed and recorded on Gavel, presumably because they only have 21 members and are skittish about saying anything that could upset any of their members and/or because they lack unified positions on any of the major issues. The Senate majority holds an on the record weekly press conference that is streamed on Gavel – which is great. As of this point, neither the Republican minorities in the House and Senate have held a single press conference or press availability. They don’t want to be asked about GovernorDunleavy’sproposed fiscal plan!\n\nCheck out this response from SenatorStedmanwhen I asked him what he thought about lobbyistFrank Bickfordgetting a $71,000 contract from DigitalBridge.Stedmanhas a bill that would ban the state from doing business with DigitalBridge. This is the firmCrooked Adam Crumdid a shady deal with right before he left his role as Revenue commissioner.Bickfordshould giveCrooked Cruma little commission for the contract. Ten percent for the big guy!\n\nGotta love Sen. Stedman! Listen to his response when the Landmine asked him about DigitalBridge hiring a lobbyist for $71,500 in response to Stedman’s bill to ban the state from doing business with them. Crooked Adam Crum is the gift that keeps on giving.#aklegpic.twitter.com/gG5ylDRqEf\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 4, 2026\n\nDemocratJonathan Kriess-Tomkinsentered the crowded governor’s race this week. He filed on February 2, the day after the reporting period ended for the Alaska Public Offices Commission (APOC) reports that are due on to come out on February 17. This means we won’t get to know where any of his money is coming from until the next report on July 20. He claims he raised $600,000 days after filing to run. With his connections to the lizard people, I would venture to guess he received multiple donations in excess of $50,000.Kreiess-Tomkinsis the third Democrat in the race after former SenatorTom Begichand SenatorMatt Claman(D – Anchorage). There are also 12 Republicans and one independent.\n\nWow. Democrat JKT saying he’s already raised $600,000. This won’t show on the APOC reports that come out in a few weeks as the reporting period ended on Feb. 1.#aklegpic.twitter.com/AZy1zG6yRT\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 5, 2026\n\nNot a great list to be on for GovernorDunleavy…\n\nNew@MorningConsultgovernor tracker is out. Bad news for@GovDunleavy. He’s tied for most unpopular. Yikes.#aklegpic.twitter.com/cKCr8YEBjm\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 5, 2026\n\nSeth Churchmust have had an awkward conversation withTreg Taylorafter the Landmine post showingSeth Churchwas listed as a host for aTreg Taylorfundraiser.\n\nThat didn’t take too long lolhttps://t.co/MwnxbQOtuJpic.twitter.com/WsuEiNPszg\n\n— The Alaska Landmine (@alaskalandmine)February 7, 2026\n\nCampaign season is gonna be so loose with all these people running for governor. I give this text fromMatt Heilalaan 8 for creativity and a 9 for weirdness.\n\nThis week’s designee really earned it. This week’sLoose Unitis RepresentativeZack Fields(D – Anchorage).\n\nOn February 23,FieldsintroducedHouse Bill 271. The bill directly benefits HEX/Furie ownerJohn Hendrix, another Hendrix Handout if you will. This Landmine article, “Hendrix Handout: House majority bill aims to permanently reduce royalty rate in Kitchen Lights Unit,” goes into more detail about the bill, as well as a troubling pattern of behavior fromHendrixwhere he finds legislators to introduce bills to directly benefit his company. Very loose indeed.\n\nHB 271 essentially aims to permanently lock in a 75% royalty reduction the Department of Natural Resources (DNR) approved forHendrixlast year. In fact, when they approved the royalty reduction they back dated it five months (to when he submitted the application for royalty relief), resulting in a $2 million credit! Maximum loose.\n\nSenate billsHendrixmanaged to get introduced in 2023 and 2024, from SenatorsCathy Giessel(R – Anchorage) andJesse Bjorkman(R – Nikiski), both failed to get a single hearing after reporting I did after the bills were introduced. In fact,Giesselpulled her bill in 2023 a week after she introduced it.\n\nButHendrixseems to have better luck in the House.Fields’bill did get a hearing in House Resources this week. AfterFieldspresented the bill,Mark Slaughter, HEX/Furie’s chief commercial office, gave a presentation. You canwatch that here. It was basically more Furie propaganda. But the best part is when some members of the committee askedSlaughterwhat Furie charges for gas (compared to Hilcorp) after the state has been so generous to Furie.Slaughter, who knows the exact number they charge, refused to answer. He said the state knows. When a DNR official was asked, he also did not know. Very interesting!\n\nThe reason they don’t want to say is because while Hilcorp is delivering gas at a contracted rate of approximately $8 per thousand cubic feet (Mcf), Furie is charging nearly $14 per Mcf! And yetHendrixcontinues to seek more handouts. ClassicLoose Unitbehavior.\n\nIf you have a nomination for this week’sLoose Unit, or if you have any political news, stories or gossip (or any old pics of politicians or public officials) please email me at jeff@alaskalandmine.com.",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/landmines/how-d-c-progressive-billionaires-are-building-alaskas-permanent-opposition/",
    "title": "How D.C. progressive billionaires are building Alaska’s permanent opposition",
    "text": "With oil below $70/barrel, most of the talk in Juneau is about the budget. But while committees continue to hear bills, a lot of this session – and the 2026 elections – has already been preloaded by a quiet, very well‑funded group based in D.C.\n\nIRS reports obtained by the Landmine show millions in Lower 48 progressive money is flowing into Alaska. Not for roads, not for ports, not for the gasline, or even for jobs. For one thing: political opposition for doing what Alaska does best – resource development.\n\nThis money doesn’t testify or run for office. But it’s here, setting the table while legislators do what they do in the Capitol.\n\nThe D.C. pass‑through that looks a lot like an opposition machine\n\nAt the center of this operation is the New Venture Fund (NVF), a Washington, D.C.-based pass‑through tied to the Arabella Advisors dark‑money ecosystem. This isn’t your standard charity handing out grants to feel good. It’s basically a political financing hub that routes national billionaire and multi-millionaire donor cash into targeted advocacy and political projects.\n\nIn Alaska, it’s starting to look less like philanthropy and more like an opposition pipeline.\n\nAccording to their latest filings, in 2024 NVF sent about $625,000 to Alaska. The biggest single grant was $325,000 to the United Tribes of Bristol Bay – ground zero for some of the most intense resource development fights over the last decade.\n\nOther NVF Alaska grants included $100,000 to the Alaska Wildlife Alliance, $100,000 to Spruce Root, $100,000 to the Alaska Current, $50,000 to the Sitka Conservation Society, and $50,000 to the Alaska Sustainability Initiative. These all look like environmental and community development grants, but many of these outfits spend a lot of time opposing and working hard to kill the very industries that keep the state budget afloat: mining, oil and gas, and fisheries.\n\nAnd this isn’t a one-time injection. The pattern is sustained funding, year-over-year. The point isn’t to win one high‑profile case and go home. The point is to make sure there is always a fight – and that one side never runs out of ammo.\n\nNot just advocacy, explicitly political operations\n\nNVF doesn’t stop at “nonpartisan” environmental work. It’s also pushing money into 501(c)(4) political shops – the kind of groups set up to influence legislation, regulations, and elections, with a lot less disclosure. All here in Alaska.\n\nFrom the latest filings, Alaskans for Posterity received $200,000, and Alaskans for Fair Courts received $40,000. One that really stuck out was $190,000 for the AEDC Advocacy Fund that funded Project Anchorage and the proposed 3% sales tax last year.\n\nThese funds are pushing out political messaging, pressuring lawmakers, gearing up for judicial retention battles, and backing or opposing Alaskan candidates – all from a national donor network that most Alaskans will never see, let alone vote on.\n\nThat’s where this gets interesting. It’s not just that the money exists, it’s that it’s intentionally structured to stay in the shadows while it helps dictate what’s happening in Alaska.\n\nTides, Sixteen Thirty, and the scaling up of the operation\n\nIf New Venture Fund is the backbone, groups like the Tides Foundation and Sixteen Thirty Fund are the muscle.\n\nTides’ 2024 Alaska grantsinclude money for some unusual but very active groups around Alaska, like $75,000 for the aggressive 907 Initiative, $208,000 for AKPIRG, and $50,000 for the Takshanuk Watershed Council.\n\nBut the strange thing is, these aren’t random donations to groups doing advocacy work around Alaska. This is building infrastructure: voter mobilization, narrative work, policy advocacy. These are the groups with big banks of volunteers that show up in election years with coordinated campaigns. And they come with national backing and big money that local groups – on either side – usually can’t touch.\n\nAnother funder is Sixteen Thirty Fund, a major progressive dark‑money vehicle. Grants in 2024 in Alaska were huge, like Alaska Progressive Donor Table, a.k.a Progress Alaska ($302,500), Alaskans for Posterity ($200,000), Better Jobs for Alaska ($100,000 for the 2024 ballot initiative to increase minimum wage and provide mandatory sick leave), the Alaska Center ($75,000), and Alaska Jobs Coalition ($50,000).\n\nOn top of that, Sixteen Thirty helped the Western Futures Fund jump from $3.2 million to $8.7 million in 2024 – a big signal that national players are scaling up their investment in politics across the west, with Alaska very much in the frame.\n\nThis is not hobby‑level politics. This is a professional, permanent campaign to bring progressive policy to an otherwise red state.\n\nWhat’snotgetting funded: the industries that actually pay the bills\n\nHere’s the part that should give everyone pause: there is almost no comparable outside political investment going into promoting the industries that keep the state alive.\n\nNothing on this scale is flowing into defending oil and gas development, mining, maritime and fishing, and construction for ports, roads, or serious energy‑cost reductions.\n\nInstead, the biggest outside checks are going to organizations whose sole purpose is to kill, delay, litigate, proselytize, and shape public opinion against resource development and major projects.\n\nOver time, that creates a serious problem. Companies with options look at Alaska and see not a frontier of opportunity, but a guaranteed slog of well‑funded opposition and years of well-organized campaigns to kill or delay projects.\n\nThey are forced to spend millions of dollars every election cycle fighting unfettered NIMBYism via astroturfing.\n\nAt some point, they may very well decide to invest somewhere else.\n\nLegal? Mostly. Transparent? Not really. Consequences? Very real.\n\nTo be clear, nonprofits are allowed to advocate, organize, and sue people within the bounds of the law. That’s not in dispute.\n\nWhat these IRS 990 reports show, though, is something different: a national progressive funding network deliberately building permanent political infrastructure inside Alaska, largely financed by donors who don’t live here, don’t vote here, and won’t carry the cost of higher energy costs, fewer jobs, and stalled projects.\n\nThey get their wins. Alaskans get the long‑term consequences.\n\nAs everyone starts talking about the 2026 election cycle, the real question isn’t whether outside money influences Alaska. The answer to that is obvious.\n\nThe real question is this: Are Alaskans deciding Alaska’s future, or are we slowly outsourcing it to Lower 48 donors running a permanent campaign against Alaska out of D.C. under the friendly branding of “nonprofit philanthropy”?\n\nBased on the paperwork, I think we know the answer. Alaskans should pay close attention to who is funding these messages and initiatives.",
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    "url": "https://alaskalandmine.com/subscribe/",
    "title": "Subscribe to the Landmine",
    "text": "The Landmine is made possible by a team of Alaskans who work hard to deliver unique content you won’t find anywhere else. If you enjoy our content and would like more, please consider subscribing to a membership. All memberships are secure and confidential. Your generous support makes this website possible!$Donation Amount:$10.00$20.00$50.00$100.00Custom AmountMake this donation monthlySelect Payment MethodStripe - Credit CardPersonal InfoFirst Name*Last NameEmail Address*Credit Card InfoThis is a secure SSL encrypted payment.Card Number*CVC*Cardholder Name*Expiration*Donation Total:$10.00One Time\n\n© 2026 The Alaska Landmine. The Alaska Landmine is a owned and operated by Speedogate Media, a division of theLandfield Global Group.Futuaris nisi irrisus ridebis\n\n© 2026 The Alaska Landmine. The Alaska Landmine is a owned and operated by Speedogate Media, a division of theLandfield Global Group.",
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